High profile killings after Thimpu fiasco

*RAW hand in TELO killings alleged

*War on terror revisited : Part 144

June 11, 2013, 7:51 pm


Various demands submitted by the TULF and Tamil groups were meant to cause suspicious and angst among the government as well as security forces top brass. The TULF demands spelt out in a letter dated July 26, 1985 addressed to the Indian premier, is a case in point. The TULF said: "The fundamental basis for any solution to the Tamil problem will be the recognition of the right of the Tamil people to rule themselves in their homeland. Serious inroads have been made into these homelands by a policy of planned colonization with Sinhalese carried out by successive Sinhala governments since independence, in the teeth of opposition by the Tamil people and in violation of the solemn undertakings given by Prime Ministers, in the same pattern as Israeli settlements in occupied Palestine."

 by Shamindra Ferdinando

Much to the embarrassment of the then Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi, the tripartite talks aimed at resolving Sri Lanka’s national problem, in the Bhutanese capital, Thimpu, involving the governments of India and Sri Lanka as well as representatives of Tamil speaking people of Sri Lankan origin, collapsed during the third week of August 1985.

An irate Indian leader ordered the immediate deportation of LTTE theoretician, Anton Balasingham, a former employee of the British High Commission in Colombo. At the time of Balasingham’s deportation on August 23, 1985, Prabhakaran had been in Sri Lanka, though the date of his return to Tamil Nadu couldn’t be established.

The Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) and a grouping of Indian sponsored terrorist organisations calling itself Eelam National Liberation Front (ENLF) represented the Tamils at the Thimpu talks. However, the People’s Liberation Organization of Tamil Eelam (PLOTE) wasn’t part of the ENLF, though present at the Thimpu deliberations.

The abortive Thimpu deliberations comprised two rounds of talks; first in early July 1985 and the other in August.

The unsuccessful talks were the first attempt to solve Sri Lanka’s national question held outside India. However, India pressured the then President JRJ to have another round of talks in New Delhi. The Sri Lankan delegation led by President JRJ’s brother, H.W. Jayewardene left Thimpu for New Delhi at the invitation of the then Indian Foreign Secretary, Romesh Bhandari for fresh talks to find a solution. India pushed both President JRJ and those representing the Sri Lankan Tamil community to reach an understanding without further delay.

At the conclusion of a series of talks, the governments of India and Sri Lanka declared the finalisation of a new agreement called the Delhi Accord of August 1985, which envisaged that the proposed unit of devolution would be a province and not a district as earlier proposed. One-time Sri Lanka’s High Commissioner to New Delhi and Foreign Secretary, Bernard Tilakaratna, has alleged that the Delhi Accord couldn’t proceed due to the LTTE’s refusal to accept anything short of a separate Tamil state. The LTTE’s uncompromising stand even after President JRJ had agreed that the unit of devolution would be a province, prompted other armed groups, too, to dissociate themselves from the Delhi Accord (Negotiating Peace in Sri Lanka: Efforts, Failures and Lessons-February 1998. An International Alert publication).

Plot against TULF

The killings of veteran former TULF MPs, M. Alalasundaram and V. Dharmalingam on the morning of Sept. 3, 1985 should be examined against the backdrop of the Thimpu fiasco as well as the short-lived Delhi Accord of 1985.

Those hell bent on destabilising Sri Lanka ordered the killings with a view to discrediting the LTTE and its leader Velupillai Prabhakaran. The assassinations were meant to isolate the LTTE, thereby paving the way for rival groups to consolidate their power in the post-Thimpu environment. Another objective was to curb the TULF influence over the Jaffna populace in spite of the then TULF leader A. Amirthalingam being away in India. Whoever had the power to decide on the fate of two politicians, the Tamil Eelam Liberation Organization (TELO) led by Sri Sabaratnam alias Tall Sri had been given the dastardly assignment. Obviously, the enmity between Prabhakaran and Sri Sabaratnam had been taken into consideration when the latter was ordered to carry out the killings. At the time of the assassinations, Prabhakaran had been underground, while Sri Sabaratnam was believed to be in India.

The JRJ government wrongly blamed the LTTE for the killings. Sri Lankan authorities never made a genuine attempt to investigate the assassinations. India, too, conveniently failed to conduct a proper probe into the Jaffna killings.

Interestingly, TULF heavyweights, M. Sivasithamparam and A. Amirthalingam were in New Delhi to meet Premier Gandhi when TELO cadres abducted the aforesaid politicians. Having discussed the Delhi Accord of 1985 with Premier Gandhi, the TULF leaders returned to Chennai, where they rejected the latest initiative on the basis it didn’t address three vital issues, namely Tamil homeland in a merged North-East Province, the devolution of power in respect of land as well as police powers. They insisted that land should be a devolved to thwart what they called the planned Sinhala colonisation of the Tamil homeland.

While the PLOTE, too, briefed India with regard to its position on the New Delhi Accord, the ENLF leaders went underground. Under pressure from Prabhakaran, the ENLF declined to meet Premier Gandhi, citing Balasingham’s expulsion as the LTTE’s grouse.

The TELO, a member of the ENLF, assassinated two MPs amidst efforts to convince Prabhakaran to meet Premier Gandhi. In fact, TELO had been one of the three original members of the ENLF, whereas the LTTE joined it later. The other original members of the outfit were the EROS (Eelam Revolutionary Organization of Students and the EPRLF (Eelam People’s Revolutionary Liberation Front.

Siddarthan speaks out

Twelve years after the double murder, in an exclusive interview with the writer, Dharmalingham Siddarthan, the only son of Visvanather Dharmalingham, discussed the circumstances under which his father had been killed along with his parliamentary colleague, Alalasundaram (My mother prepared thosai for us; Prabhakaran was a regular visitor to our home––The Island Dec. 7, 1997). Siddarthan didn’t mince his words when he blamed India’s intelligence agency, the Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) for the assassinations. The then Vanni District MP (Democratic People’s Liberation Front) 49-year-old Dharmalingham Siddarthan claimed that Prabhakaran would have had definitely intervened on his father’s behalf if he had been aware of the plot to kill him. Siddarthan said that the LTTE had the wherewithal to thwart the assassination bid if the RAW-LTTE project had been brought to Prabhakaran’s notice.

Siddarthan had been in New Delhi, after having represented the PLOTE at the Thimpu talks. Siddarthan said that the Thimpu talks, in spite of failing to achieve desired results, were of significance in that the Sri Lankan government had agreed to sit down for face to face negotiations with militant groups.

Alleging that India had played a double game, the soft spoken Siddarthan said that RAW had acted contrary to public statements attributed to various leaders.

A bigger role for terrorists

According to Siddarthan, RAW had upgraded the status of militant groups, including the LTTE by accommodating them at the negotiating table at Thimpu. Although the TULF resented the move, it couldn’t interfere with Indian intelligence, hence their acceptance of armed groups at the negotiating process. A grave looking Siddarthan said that RAW had wanted to undermine TULF leader Amirthalingam’s influence. India decided that senior TULF politicians living in the Jaffna peninsula had to die a violent death at that the hands of ‘boys’ as terrorists were fondly called by the Jaffna public at that time. Dharmalingham and Alalasundaram had been among the four politicians whose fate was decided in New Delhi.

Having abducted Alalasundaram, TELO cadres visited Dharmalingham’s residence situated at Kandarodai, about three miles away from Chunnakam. Siddarthan’s mother, Saraswathie sent one of Siddarthan’s cousins to fetch Dharmalingham, who was at a nearby wedding ceremony. Siddarthan said: "My father had left the wedding ceremony believing that TELO cadres and Alalasundaram wanted to meet him urgently. As Alalasundaram and the TELO had worked closely, my father wouldn’t have suspected any sinister plan. In fact,TELO regularly used Alalasundaram’s telephone. My father was abducted as he was rushing home from the wedding ceremony."

Dharmalingham’s body was found at Thavady in his electorate, Uduvil subsequently called Manipay.

Dharmalingam first entered parliament after having won the newly created Uduvil electorate at the March 1960 parliamentary polls. As any political party couldn’t obtain the necessary majority to form a government, fresh parliamentary election were called in July the same year. Dharmalingam secured the Uduvil electorate again. In 1970, he retained the seat, having contested on the Federal Party ticket.

Alalasundaram had been MP for Kopay.

Siddarthan said: "My father never lost an election until the TELO took his life. He was a man of peace, a humble man who believed in a peaceful settlement, though he never criticized those fighting the then government."

Siddarthan alleged that the gang of TELO cadres responsible for the heinous crime had been led by the local leader called Bobby. However, Das, in charge of TELO operations in the Vadamaratchchy sector at that time had declined to carry out the directive to assassinate two TULF members, Siddarthan said.

Siddarthan had been a member of Prabhakaran’s outfit before he joined Uma Maheswarn, the founder of the PLOTE, one-time favourite of the Indians.

Years later, various interested parties had alleged that the assassination order issued by Sri Sabaratnam had been carried out by Das, who in fact saved the lives of former MPs Thurairatnam and Rajalingham by warning Bobby not to target them.

Rajiv-terrorists powvow

Premier Gandhi went to the extent of meeting leaders of terrorist groups, comprising the TELO, the EPRLF, the EROS and the LTTE shortly after the assassination of the two elderly Jaffna based politicians. The meeting which reportedly took place on Sept. 23, 1985 in New Delhi, three weeks after the Jaffna assassinations meant Premier Gandhi was either unaware of the role played by RAW in eliminating the TULF influence in northern Sri Lanka or he previously knew of the issuing of death warrants on Dharmalingam and Alalasundaram in accordance with intelligence strategy. Prabhakaran, who had been in hiding since the collapse of Thimpu initiative, was present.

In spite of heavy pressure Rajiv brought to bear on Tamil groups, they continued to insist that they wouldn’t give up their aspiration for a separate homeland.

Thimpu: Representatives of Tamil groups (L) in direct talks with Sri Lankan representatives (R) in July 1985. Dharmalingham Siddarthan is closest to the camera.

Had India acted decisively in the wake of the intransigence of those militant groups, it could have avoided a subsequent bloodbath. Unfortunately, it continued to mollycoddle the terrorists, though it could have easily disarmed all groups in India and take tangible measures to block the transfer of arms, ammunition and men across the Indo-Lanka maritime boundary. Regardless of the inflexibility of the terrorists, particularly those representing the LTTE, India continued to provide safe haven, believing that they could be made use of if President JRJ didn’t succumb to diplomatic pressure. India felt it shouldn’t neutralise armed groups once and for all at the expense of its overall strategy. Having realised India’s intensions as well as their dilemma, terrorists fully exploited the situation to their advantage.

The international community ignored Sri Lanka’s plea for intervention, though major powers knew what was happening on the ground.

In the run-up to the Sept. 23 meeting, the then Indian High Commissioner J. N. Dixit and H. W. Jayewardene, QC, who had led the Sri Lankan delegation at the Thimpu talks, were in New Delhi for consultations. According to the media, the talks focused on the TULF demand for a homeland as well as police and land powers. Although Premier Gandhi had wanted to meet Prabhakaran and his murderous colleagues before H. W. Jayewardene’s visit to New Delhi (Sept. 10-13, 1985), they delayed responding to the Indian leader’s summons.

First formal Ceasefire Monitoring Mechanism

LTTE, TELO, EROS and EPRLF leaders met the then Tamil Nadu strongman M.G. Ramachandran in Chennai on September 13, 1985 and worked out a strategy before moving to New Delhi for meetings with Foreign Secretary Romesh Bhandari and Premier Gandhi. Ahead of the arrival of terrorist leaders in New Delhi on Sept. 18, 1985, Sri Lanka announced a unilateral decision to extend the ceasefire, which was to lapse on that day by three more months. The ceasefire came into operation on June 18, 1985, to pave the way for the Thimpu talks. India felt that the terrorist groups should positively reciprocate President JRJ’s decision, though they as well as the TULF asserted that the ceasefire wouldn’t bring relief to the Tamils. India demanded their cooperation regardless of reservations. In a bid to scuttle the Indian move, they consented to the extension of the ceasefire, if India could convince President JRJ to set up a Ceasefire Monitoring Committee (CMC) to ensure the implementation of the extended ceasefire. Much to the surprise of terrorists, President JRJ agreed to the formation of a CMC. Premier Gandhi talked proudly of the agreement on the proposed CMC at the Sept. 23, 1985 meeting with terrorist leaders. After bickering over a week, they agreed on the formation of a five member CMC with the power to visit those in police and security forces custody as well as submit reports on its investigations into allegations as regards excesses by both parties. The CMC comprised three government representatives led by Felix Dias Abeysinghe and two nominated by the terrorists namely, Prof. Kathigesu Sivathamby, Chairman, Co-coordinating Committee of Citizens Committees and Kandaratnam Sivapalan, Chairman, Trincomalee Citizens Committee. The TULF was left out of this arrangement.

The CMC collapsed soon after JRJ, probably under the influence of his trusted National Security Minister, expanded it by accommodating six more persons-five Sinhalese and a Muslim. Sri Lanka announced its decision to expand the CMC on Oct. 17, 1985 ahead of the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM) in the Bahamas.

Thimpu Fiasco

* War on terror revisited : Part 143

June 6, 2013, 8:01 pm


by Shamindra Ferdinando

New Delhi airport June 3, 1985: President JRJ leaving India after three days of consultations. JRJ is flanked by Premier Rajiv Gandhi and President Zail Singh
Less than 24 hours after President JRJ’s brother left for New Delhi to work out modalities for a ceasefire, troops raided an LTTE hideout in the Mannar district, where they killed at least 18 terrorists and recovered a large quantity of arms and ammunition. Having visited troops involved in the operation, the then National Security Minister Lalith Athulathmudali declared that those killed had been involved in the May 14, 1985 raid on Anuradhapura. Minister Athulathmudali said that the killers of innocent Buddhist pilgrims had been punished.

Having rejected the then President J. R. Jayewardene’s request for joint naval patrols to stop gun running across the Indo-Lanka maritime boundary, Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi invited the Sri Lankan leader for talks in New Delhi in early June 1985.

The then Indian External Affairs Ministry Secretary, Romesh Bhandari played a key role in arranging the visit in the wake of External Affairs Minister Khursheed Alam Khan rejecting President JRJ’s appeal. Under heavy pressure from Tamil Nadu, Minister Khan told the Lok Sabha on April 29, 1985 that Sri Lanka’s proposal was not acceptable.

The appeal was made by the then National Security Minister Lalith Athulathmudali on behalf of President JRJ during a visit to New Delhi.

President JRJ waves at Indian leaders. National Security Minister Lalith Athulathmudali, wife, Srimani and first lady Elena

Although an influential section of the government and the military top brass felt that India was bent on destabilising Sri Lanka, President JRJ had no option but to go ahead with his first visit to New Delhi since Rajiv Gandhi assumed power following his mother’s killing.

Minister Athulathmudali and his wife Srimani accompanied President JRJ and First Lady Elena Jayawardena.

LTTE storms A’pura

Although JRJ and Rajiv agreed to take meaningful measures to end violence, including a halt to illegitimate boat movements between northern Sri Lanka and Tamil Nadu, the Palk Straits remained the main supply route for terrorists fighting in the Jaffna peninsula. In spite of Gandhi’s assurances, the destabilisation project continued with terrorists stepping up attacks. In the run-up to JRJ’s June visit, the LTTE massacred nearly 150 men, women and children at Sri Maha Bodhi in Anuradhapura on May 14, 1985.

June 2, 1985 New Delhi: President JRJ with Indian Presdent Zail Singh

The unprecedented raid on Anuradhapura followed massacres of over 60 Sinhalese at Dollar and Kent farms in the Weli Oya region on Nov. 30, 1984. The Anuradhapura massacre was meant to provoke a backlash. The LTTE and its New Delhi-based masters believed a fresh wave of attacks on Tamil civilians could embarrass Sri Lanka ahead of efforts to bring the warring parties to the negotiating table.

The LTTE however, alleged that the Anuradhapura raid had been prompted by the army massacring civilians at Prabhakaran’s birthplace Valvettiturai on May 12, 1985. The army was accused of killing 70 civilians after having rounded them up and forced into them enter a library in that township.

Obviously, an influential section within the Indian government acted against the position taken by Premier Gandhi. Those opposed to a change in India’s policy towards the JRJ government worked overtime to undermine the peace efforts. The Tamil Nadu factor greatly influenced the Central Government which needed TN backing for its political survival. On the other hand, those who had been spearheading the destabilisation project in Sri Lanka didn’t want to ditch Tamil groups fighting in Jaffna on India’s behalf.

The RAW had direct dealings with the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) as well as terrorist groups. Gradually, the TULF lost its appeal as relations between RAW and terrorist groups rapidly grew, much to the discomfort of those trying to bring about an amicable settlement.

Having met Premier Gandhi on June 2 and 3, 1985, President JRJ didn’t mince his words when he told The Far Eastern Economic Review that he expected India to stop sponsoring terrorism. President JRJ declared that he would expect his ministers to support the latest peace initiative or face the consequences. JRJ emphasized that he wouldn’t hesitate to dismiss any minister opposed to the New Delhi initiative. The Far Eastern Economic Review quoted President JRJ as having said: "We told them (Indian PM and officials) that statements from terrorists made in India are meant to destabilise Sri Lanka. We even showed them films of terrorist training camps in Tamil Nadu. They said that they will look into it."

JRJ assured that his forces would comply with the peace initiative. At the conclusion of talks on June 3, President JRJ flew to Bangladesh with Premier Gandhi to visit an area devastated by a cyclone before returning to the country on the same day.

In a joint communiqué issued in New Delhi, the two leaders agreed that all forms of violence should stop and immediate steps should be taken to defuse the situation and create a climate for progress towards a political solution.

Addressing the UNP parliamentary group the following day, a confident President quoted President Zail Singh and Premier Gandhi as having told him that they wouldn’t support terrorist acts conducted against Sri Lanka from Indian territory. He was mistaken!

Enter JRJ’s brother

Due to the sensitive nature of high level consultations between India and Sri Lanka in the run-up to President JRJ’s visit to New Delhi, the beleaguered UNP leader feared to entrust senior ministers or officials with the responsibility of speaking on his behalf.

Although Minister Athulathmudali had made representations to Premier Gandhi in New Delhi a few months ago, he was not chosen for the new assignment.

Instead, President JRJ placed his brother, H. W. Jayewardena, QC in charge of the government delegation for the first formal tripartite negotiations involving India, Sri Lanka and representatives of Tamil speaking people of Sri Lankan origin living in Sri Lanka and overseas. The capital of Bhutan, Thimpu was agreed upon as a neutral venue for talks scheduled to begin in early July 1985. Thimpu was India’s choice. Although Sri Lanka resented having being compelled to meet the TULF and terrorists away from the country, the government had no option but to go along with the Indian plan.

Prior to the Thimpu talks, QC Jayewardene visited New Delhi, where he had talks with Prime Minister Gandhi and Indian Attorney General K. Parasaran. The President’s younger brother was accompanied by Legal Draftsman Nalin Abeysekera.

A foolish move

In view of the Thimpu talks, the government suspended military operations in the northern and eastern districts. The suspension of operations came into effect during the then Colonel Gerry De Silva’s tenure as the Northern Commander from May to November 1985. At India’s behest, the government suspended operations on June 18, 1985 to facilitate the Thimpu talks scheduled to begin in early July, 1985. The ceasefire imposed severe restrictions on the police and the military, whereas Tamil groups could operate freely. Terrorists stepped up their presence in the peninsula in the wake of the first formal ceasefire. India turned a blind eye to a rapid terrorist build-up in the Jaffna peninsula. India failed to realise that the LTTE build-up threatened not only Sri Lankan forces but also members of other groups sponsored by India. The LTTE was allowed to exploit the situation to the hilt. Under the very nose of Indian authorities, the LTTE transferred both men and material from Tamil Nadu to the Jaffna peninsula. The LTTE built up fortifications close to isolated military bases and mined roads. Before the LTTE resumed hostilities, LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakaran wanted to eliminate rival groups. He resented rival Tamil groups having direct links with Indian Intelligence. The stage was set for the massacre of Tamil youth in the Jaffna peninsula.

Addressing the media at ‘Rakshana Mandiraya’ in Colombo, Minister Athulathmudali declared that major terrorist groups including the LTTE, had agreed to abide by the Indian initiated peace effort. In spite of serious misgivings, Minister Athulathmudali claimed that a ceasefire would come into operation with immediate effect (Five big terrorist groups for cession of violence––Lalith - The Island June 19, 1985).

On June 26, 1985, nine days after the declaration of ceasefire, terrorists shot dead T. Anandarajah, the much respected principal of St. John’s College, Jaffna, outside his school. Anandarajah was accused of having organised cricket matches between his students and the army.

One-time Joint Operations Commander, General Cyril Ranatunga has explained the LTTE operation in the wake of the June ceasefire in a piece titled Negotiating Peace in Sri Lanka: the Role of the Military (Negotiating Peace in Sri Lanka: Efforts, Failures and Lessons-an International Alert publication edited by Dr. Kumar Rupesinghe in February 1998).

The ceasefire was intended to confine troops, especially those deployed in the Jaffna peninsula, to their barracks, instead of taking tangible measures to cease violence ahead of the Thimpu talks. Terrorists mounted a series of attacks during this period. The police went on the rampage in Vavuniya during the second week of August 1985, after a roadside bomb blast claimed the lives of five personnel. The police were accused of killing nine civilians.

Much to the embarrassment of India, Tamil groups declared that the Thimpu talks wouldn’t meet their aspirations. They ordered protests in Jaffna and Vavuniya ahead of the first round of talks. In fact, they participated in the talks due to Indian pressure, though India portrayed the Thimpu confab as a success. Although the TULF participated in the deliberations, it couldn’t say anything contrary to the position taken by the armed Tamil groups.

Thimpu talks collapse

The terrorists declared that the continuation of the negotiating process would entirely depend on President JRJ accepting four prerequisites which they called invariable terms for any meaningful solution. They demanded the recognition of the four demands before the Thimpu talks could proceed. Declaring the four conditions as basic non-negotiable principles, they called for:

(A) the recognition of Tamils of Sri Lankan origin as a distinct nation with the inalienable right to self determination;

(B) the recognition of Northern and Eastern Provinces as a Tamil homeland;

(C) recognition of the right of self determination of the Tamil nation and lastly

(D), the granting of citizenship to all Tamil residents in Sri Lanka. The TULF, too, supported the demands put forwarded by the armed groups.

It was widely believed that India had been fully aware of the four demands. The set of conditions was meant to ensure a quick collapse of the Thimpu talks.

President JRJ declined to the give in to Indian initiative hence two rounds of talks in July and August failed to break the deadlock.

The terrorists wouldn’t have scuttled the Thimpu initiative unless they had been convinced that India would continue to sponsor them whatever the outcome at the negotiating table. Even during the abortive Thimpu deliberations, terrorists continued to receive military training in India. The TELO, the LTTE, the PLOTE, the EPRLF and TULF took part in the Thimpu deliberations.

Convinced of their growing military capability, thanks to India, the terrorists felt that they could overwhelm government forces in the Jaffna peninsula. Having torpedoed the Thimpu talks, TULF representatives as well as those members of various terrorist groups returned to India. Those Indians running the Sri Lankan project believed they could still control the growing terrorist movement. Although the TULF remained faithful to its Indian handlers, the Gandhi administration increasingly found it difficult to control the LTTE. At the conclusion of the Thimpu talks, the LTTE declared in no uncertain terms that it should have special status in recognition of its military capability. Prabhakaran was moving towards calling his outfit as the sole representative of Tamil speaking people. Although other Tamil groups sensed a hardening of the LTTE’s position, they never expected a project to annihilate them.

First formal call for merger of EP with NP

*War on terror revisited : Part 142

June 4, 2013, 7:44 pm

Sri Lanka Light Infantry (SLLI) troops are pictured engaged in road clearing operation. Eelam conflict intensified in July 1983 with an unprecedented attack on the I SLLI. At the end conclusion of the conflict in May 2009, the SLLI Regiment consisted of 17 regular battalions, a Regimental Headquarter battalion and 09 volunteer battalions. The Regiment lost 165 officers and 3,648 others;112 officers and 4,479 others were disabled. The dead included 41 officers and 981 other ranks killed during eelam war IV (July 2006 to May 2009)

 by Shamindra Ferdinando

Having destabilised northern Sri Lanka, India stepped up pressure on the then President J. R. Jayewardene to agree to a settlement with the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) and Tamil terrorist groups.

JRJ was briefed on the Indian proposals on the sidelines of the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM) in New Delhi in November 1983, in the wake of the Black July massacre. President JRJ was under heavy pressure to reach an understanding with the TULF and terrorist groups, particularly due to the exodus of Tamil speaking refugees to Tamil Nadu.

In the run-up to President JRJ’s visit to New Delhi, the then Indian Foreign Minister Narasimha Rao visited Colombo to express India’s concern over the deteriorating situation. Rao was followed by G. Parathasarathy, a veteran diplomat as well as a close associate of the then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi.

The TULF and terrorist groups encouraged civilians to flee across the Palk Straits to Tamil Nadu. Indian intervention was justified on the basis of atrocities committed on the civilian community in the immediate aftermath of the Black July massacre. Western powers turned a blind eye to what was going on in Sri Lanka. They conveniently overlooked how India had systematically destabilises Sri Lanka, to pave the way for its intervention.

Interestingly, a few weeks before President JRJ arrived in New Delhi, LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakaran had stayed at a secret location in Pondicherry, where he met senior officials representing the Research and Analysis Wing (RAW). LTTE theoretician Anton Balasingham, one-time British High Commission employee in Colombo, was on record as having said that India’s premier intelligence outfit had offered to train 200 LTTE cadres in Dehradun.

India proposes merger of N and E

Veteran diplomat and one-time Foreign Secretary, Bernard Tilakaratna has alleged that India never allowed Sri Lankan officials access to refugee camps in Tamil Nadu, hence the then government couldn’t at least verify the actual number of people accommodated there. In a piece titled, The Sri Lanka Government and Peace Efforts up to the Indo-Lanka Peace Accord: Lessons and experiences (February 1998), Tilakaratna explains the circumstances under which Parathasarathy pressured President JRJ to accept, even if tentatively, proposals, which included the merger of the Eastern Province with the Northern Province. The first set of Indian proposals unveiled in the wake of the intensification of the eelam conflict was called ‘Annexure C’. It was primarily aimed at merging the two provinces into a single administrative unit.

Tilakaratna, who had been directly involved in peace initiatives in Colombo, New Delhi, Thimpu and Bangalore in the 1980s, asserted that President JRJ’s decision to establish a state-of-the-art Voice of America (VOA) relay station, selection of a grouping of Singaporean, West German and Swiss companies to restore the Trincomalee oil tank farm and as well as backing British military action against Argentina following the latter’s invasion of the Falklands on April 2, 1982 had angered the Indian political establishment. The Argentine forces surrendered to the British naval task force on June 14, 1982.

Although JRJ convened an All Party Conference (APC) in January 1984 to discuss ‘Annexure C’ along with other proposals, he couldn’t convince the grouping of the need to merge the Eastern Province with the Northern Province. Major political parties representing the APC, while accepting the need to devolve powers to regional bodies, reiterated that the unit of devolution should the district. In spite of President JRJ’s efforts to reach a consensus on a peace formula, the peace bid collapsed in December 1984. The much-touted ‘Annexure C’ was quietly dropped. Tilakaratna categorised it as the first formal Indian effort to work out a tripartite agreement involving Sri Lanka, India and the representatives of the Tamils.

At that time, the TULF remained the dominant representative of the community, though Tamil groups were in the process of gradually consolidating their power. Although the TULF realised the growing threat to its position, it couldn’t interfere with the ongoing RAW project to boost the terrorist grouping. India cleverly used both the TULF and Tamil groups to step up pressure on JRJ.

Landmine warfare

The tiny Sri Lankan Navy (SLN) and the Sri Lanka Air Force (SLAF) lacked the required assets to thwart terrorist groups operating across the Palk Straits. With the deployment of newly trained terrorists, the situation in the Jaffna peninsula continued to deteriorate with the Sri Lanka Army (SLA), finding it extremely difficult to bring the situation under control.

Although JRJ had authorized a military crackdown in the Jaffna peninsula, security forces couldn’t contain the rapidly expanding terrorist operations in the Jaffna peninsula. The security forces got outmanoeuvered with India stepping up a training project on its soil. Indian personnel would have had clandestinely visited the Jaffna peninsula with those fighting under their command in the early 1980s, though Sri Lanka couldn’t prove it.

Unfortunately, atrocities committed by a section of Sri Lankan forces, particularly in the Jaffna peninsula, facilitated the Indian project. The SLA couldn’t overnight adopt strategies to counter brutal tactics employed by terrorists. Landmine attacks against the SLA and the police were meant to provoke reprisals. Those who had absolutely no experience in fighting a high intensity insurgency, reacted indiscriminately to hit and run attacks. Terrorist groups thrived due to atrocities committed by troops. On many occasions, senior officers could not prevent troops from going on the rampage. The failure on the part of the military high command to instil discipline caused a rapid deterioration of the ground situation as more Tamil youth joined terrorist groups. By the middle of 1984, Tamil groups had the upper hand in the Jaffna peninsula. Effective use of landmines restricted the movement of the military. The military and the police could never tackle landmine warfare during the early years of the conflict. The military couldn’t maintain regular mobile patrols due to constant landmine attacks. Although the military had some armoured personnel carriers at that time, it did not have them in required numbers for effective deployment.

The government established the Special Strike Force (SSF), in the early 1980s, to meet the growing terrorist threat in the Jaffna peninsula. Although the SSF died a natural death due to negligence on the part of the then administration and police top brass, its successor (the STF) rapidly developed into an extraordinary fighting force. To the credit of JRJ and successive UNP administrations, the STF received much needed state backing.

A landmine blast on Sept. 1, 1984 claimed the lives of four STF personnel at Tikkam on the Point Pedro-Valvettiturai road. Constables, Chandrapala (2539), Ekanayake (4100), Nanayakkara (3928) and Sumanasekera (13089) were the victims of the first landmine attack directed against the STF.

Although the SLA gradually increased its presence in the Jaffna peninsula, it couldn’t neutralise the terrorist threat. The enemy had easy access to bases in Tamil Nadu. They could bring in reinforcements from Tamil Nadu at will, though the SLN maintained patrols in the northern seas. Those wounded in action were swiftly moved across the Palk Straits to medical facilities in Tamil Nadu. During Lieutenant General Weeratunga’s tenure (Oct. 14, 1981 to Feb. 11, 1985), the SLA lost control of the Jaffna peninsula, in spite of having a substantial ground forces presence there. Weeratunga was succeeded by Lieutenant General G. D .G. N. Seneviratne on Feb. 11, 1985. The change in the SLA command took place amidst the rapid expansion of the SLA. However, the SLA still couldn’t match the tactics employed by terrorist groups, particularly the LTTE, which emerged as the main group.

The military and the police couldn’t come to terms with rapidly developing mine warfare. Thanks to India, terrorists had the expert knowledge to produce a range of mines, including anti-personnel mines and boobytraps. Terrorists quickly developed a strategy to infiltrate areas dominated by security forces to mount attacks. At the behest of the then Indian Premier, Indira Gandhi, RAW conducted a full scale destabilisation campaign against Sri Lanka.

Enter Rajiv Gandhi

The assassination of Premier Indira Gandhi on the morning of Oct. 31, 1984 by her Sikh bodyguards at her New Delhi residence, as a mark of protest against the Indian Army assault on the Golden Temple in Amritsar in early June 1984, fuelled speculation that India might call off the destabilisation plot directed against Sri Lanka. It was ironic that Premier Gandhi ordered ‘Operation Blue Star’ to flush out armed Sikhs from the Golden Temple, claiming they posed a serious security threat to India, whereas her government trained terrorists for deployment across the Palk Straits. India remained paralysed as mobs killed over 3,000 Sikhs.

The JRJ administration felt that India could change its position vis-a-vis Sri Lanka with the change of the Congress leadership. There was hope among political parties here that the new Indian leadership would suspend the anti-Sri Lanka operation and take meaningful measures to facilitate a dialogue between President JRJ and the TULF. The government felt India wouldn’t continue sponsoring terrorist groups in the wake of Indira Gandhi’s assassination. Although there had been hope of an amicable settlement in the immediate aftermath of Rajiv Gandhi succeeding his mother, the situation quickly deteriorated. Although Premier Gandhi made a cautious move to reach an understanding with President JRJ, those spearheading the anti-Sri Lankan project persisted with it.

The massacre of 62 Sinhala civilians at Kent and Dollar farms on November 1984 should be examined against the backdrop of the change in administration in India. The massacres––the first of a series carried out by the LTTE, compelled JRJ to intensify military operations amidst rising anger amongst the Sinhala community. However, the government prevented a backlash, though many feared there could be widespread attacks on Tamil speaking people living in the South. Perhaps, those spearheading operations across the Palk Straits believed that the massacre of civilians could cause widespread attacks on Tamils, much to the embarrassment of Sri Lanka and to the discomfort of President JRJ. The massacres were timed to ensure that Premier Gandhi and President JRJ could never pursue a dialogue.

The July 23, 1983 LTTE attack on the First battalion of the Sri Lanka Light Infantry (ISLLI) or I CLI (Ceylon Light Infantry) as it was also known, which prompted indiscriminate attacks on Tamil people, revealed India’s hand in training terrorists. The LTTE could never have achieved the sophistication required to mount that particular attack without Indian help.

The previous article which dealt with the issue, inadvertently identified the Commanding Officer of the I SLLI at the time of the incident as Lieutenant Colonel Upali Dharmaratne. The formation deployed in the Jaffna peninsula was under the command of the then Lieutenant Colonel Upali Karunaratne. The then Army Commander, Lieutenant General T. I. Weeratunga ordered I SLLI out of the peninsula in a bid to stabilise the situation in the peninsula, at the onset of major confrontations. Weeratunga served as the Commander from Oct. 14, 1981 to Feb. 11, 1985.

New initiative gets underway

Responding to Premier Rajiv Gandhi’s overtures, JRJ sent the then National Security Minister Lalith Athulathmudali for discussions with the Indian leader. The government felt Premier Gandhi could be persuaded to abandon his predecessor’s destabilisation campaign against Sri Lanka. On behalf o JRJ, Athulathmudali requested for the immediate launch of joint Indo-Lanka naval patrols to prevent illegitimate boat movements across the Palk Straits. Minister Athulathmudali also emphasised the need to prevent terrorists from using Tamil Nadu or any part of India as a launching pad for attacks. At that time, all Tamil groups had their headquarters and separate training facilities in various parts of India, though some wrongly assumed such clandestine activities took place only in Tamil Nadu. In fact, the need for joint patrols would not have arisen if India had disarmed the terrorists. Premier Gandhi raised the contentious issue of devolution, while inviting President JRJ for talks in New Delhi.

In spite of India and Sri Lanka agreeing to continue high level consultations to explore ways and means of settling the ethnic issue, the destabilisation project continued. By then it was no longer a clandestine operation. The global community knew what was happening. The Indian External Affairs Ministry took an extremely tough position with the then Minister, Khursheed Alam Khan dismissing President JRJ’s call for joint naval patrols.

The SLN fought a losing battle to stem the flow of arms, ammunition and trained cadres from India. Much to the dismay of President JRJ, who strongly believed India would suspend the ongoing destabilisation project consequent to the change of leadership in New Delhi following Prime Minister Indira Gandhi’s assassination, India stepped up assistance for terrorists. By early 1985, terrorist groups were in a commanding position in Jaffna.

Black July 1983: A new perspective

*War on terror revisited : Part 141

June 2, 2013, 9:07 pm

An Israeli built Dvora Fast Attack Craft (FAC)-an early type acquired during the conflict. Sri Lanka acquired the first pair of 47 ton Dvora-class FAC from Israel in early 1984 and another four were purchased in 1986. An upgraded version - the 54 ton Super Dvora Mk I - was ordered from Israeli Aircraft Industries (IAI) in October 1986 and delivered from 1987-88, with a further four Super Dvora Mk II-class FAC delivered in 1995-96.Israel wouldn’t have thrown its weight behind Sri Lanka without the blessings from the then US administration.




by Shamindra Ferdinando

Had a routine mobile patrol from the Madagal army camp on the night of July 23, 1983 proved successful in repulsing an LTTE attack, the then low intensity Eelam conflict wouldn’t have taken a catastrophic turn. Unfortunately all 15 men of the First battalion of the Sri Lanka Light Infantry (1 SLLI) walked in to an ambush at Tinnaveli, Jaffna. Patrol commander Second Lieutenant Vass Gunawardardene and 12 men died within few minutes of the fierce attack in which the terrorists used guns and grenades.

The patrol consisted of an ordinary Jeep and a Tata Benz half truck. At that time, the military top brass hadn’t even thought of acquiring Armoured Personnel Carriers (APCs). The patrol commander carried a Sub Machine Gun (SMG) and others were armed with self-loading rifles. Except the drivers of the vehicles, others carried a grenade each. Although the LTTE had triggered four landmines targeting the jeep, all men including those in the half truck died in gun and grenade attacks.

The Sri Lanka Army (SLA) hadn’t experienced such an attack before.

The I SLLI deployed in the Jaffna peninsula at that time went on the rampage. The then Army chief, Lieutenant General T. I. Weeratunga (‘Bull’ Weeratunga) ordered the I SLLI out of the Jaffna peninsula and replaced the then Lieutenant Colonel Upali Dharmaratne, Commanding Officer of the 1 SLLI, with the newly promoted Lieutenant Colonel A. M. U. Seneviratne, who was then second-in-command at the Combat Training School (CTS) at Kondavattuwan, Ampara. The then Colonel, Gerry H. De Silva was the Commandant. (Seneviratne retired during the tenure of President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga over a dispute with the then de facto Defence Minister Anuruddha Ratwatte over battlefield strategy after having served the SLA as Chief of Staff with the rank of Major General).

The ill-fated patrol was called Four Four Bravo. The then Security Forces Commander, Brigadier Lyle Balthazar directed Four Four Bravo, of the C Company of the 1 SLLI to be back at Madagal by midnight July 23, 1983. The patrol was to cover Gurunagar, Jaffna, Naga Vihara, Nallur, Kopay, Urumpirai, Kondavil, Kokuvil, Jaffna and Madagal.

Gurunagar had been the main base in the peninsula at that time. Brig. Balthazar, who had succeeded Weeratunga as Security Forces Commander in the wake of the former being appointed Commander of the Army on Oct 14, 1981, was based at Gurunagar, the nerve centre of security forces operations in the peninsula. Incidentally, terrorists claimed the life of the first soldier on the day Weeratunga took over command from Lieutenant General Dennis Perera.

Brig. Balthazar’s plan was to launch a special patrol Four Four Charlie immediately after Four Four Bravo returned to Madagal. Four Four Charlie was to leave Gurunagar at midnight on July 23, 1983 to take a high profile LTTE target identified as Sellakili/Chellakili in the Kondavil area. The person, the Four Four Charlie had been tasked to eliminate, sprang the Tinnaveli ambush on a directive from LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakaran himself. A dejected Balthazar had to send Four Four Charlie to look for survivors of Four Four Bravo after having alerted detachments at Palaly, Madagal, Thondamanar and Velvettiturai.

India, LTTE escalate conflict

The LTTE and a section of the media, both here and abroad, propagated that Prabhakaran had ordered the attack on the night of July 23, 1983 to avenge the death of his close associate Charles Lucas Anthony alias Seelan. Shot and wounded by troops during a confrontation at Meesalai in the Chavakachcheri area on the evening of July 15, 1983, Charles Anthony had tried to escape with the help of another senior cadre. The operation had been conducted by troops from Gurunagar, where Brig. Balthazar was based. Charles Anthony, unable to move quickly due to injuries suffered during the confrontation, ordered the person accompanying him to put a bullet through his head. Although Seelan, who hailed from Trincomalee, was one of Prabhakaran’s closet friends, he couldn’t have developed tactics to wipe out an army patrol within a week after having lost Seelan. Unfortunately, successive governments and the military brass at that time never bothered to examine the sudden intensification of LTTE operations. They, too, attributed the Tinnaveli attack to the LTTE taking revenge in the wake of Seelan’s death.

It would never have been possible for the LTTE to mount that particular attack without having specific training. Obviously, the much touted argument that India was left with no alternative but to intervene after the massacre of Tamil civilians in the aftermath of the Tinnaveli ambush is not tenable. Although there had been a spate of skirmishes between the SLA and Tamil groups in the peninsula before the Tinnaveli ambush since the killing of a soldier on Oct 14th, 1981 on Stanley Road, never had there been a well coordinated ambush. Interestingly, Seelan was credited with the Stanley road killing.

Even four years after the conclusion of the conflict in May 2009, the government is yet to examine the launch of terrorism in Sri Lanka. Unfortunately, the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC) headed by former Attorney General C. R. de Silva never inquired into this aspect as his commission was not mandated to do so. One-time LTTE procurer of armaments for the LTTE, Kumaran Pathmanathan alias ‘KP’, now in protective custody of the government should be able to shed light on the military training project. If it could be proved that a clandestine Indian intervention in Sri Lanka had been there in the run-up to the Tinnaveli ambush, the lie could be given to the much publicsied claim that New Delhi stepped in because of the Black July massacre.

Vinayagamoorthy Muralitharan alias Karuna Amman, now a minister in President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s government, too, had received military training in India. Karuna had been among the third batch of LTTE recruits.

Dixit on US, Pakistan and Israel

One-time Indian High Commissioner in Colombo J. N. Dixit, in Makers of India’s Foreign Policy: Raja Ram Mohun to Yashwant Sinha, has asserted that Indian involvement in Sri Lanka was unavoidable, not only due to Sri Lanka’s oppressive and discriminating policies against the Tamils, but also because the then President JRJ administration’s emerging relationship with the US, Pakistan and Israel. Dixit, who subsequently functioned as India’s Foreign Secretary, alleged that President JRJ had established substantive defence and intelligence contacts with the US, Pakistan and Israel, much to the consternation of the then Premier Indira Gandhi. Dixit has alleged that the US and Pakistan exploited President JRJ’s hostility towards Prime Minister Gandhi to create what the veteran diplomat calls a ‘politico-strategic pressure point’ targeting India. Dixit emphasized that India’s motives as well as actions vis-à-vis Sri Lanka should be looked at in the larger perspective of the global and regional strategic environment during the 1980-1984 period. Dixit has also blamed China for its continuing anti-India stratagem.

Interestingly, Dixit opined that Prime Minister Gandhi could be faulted for two foreign policy decisions, namely backing the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and Tamil armed groups. Dixit said: "Whatever the criticism about these decisions, it cannot be denied that she took them on the basis of her assessment about India’s national interests. Her logic was that she couldn’t alienate the former Soviet Union, when India was so dependent on that country for defence and technology. Similarly, she couldn’t afford the emergence of Tamil separatism in India by refusing to support the aspirations of Sri Lankan Tamils. These aspirations were legitimate in the context of nearly 50 years of Sinhalese discrimination against Sri Lankan Tamils."

Arms deals galore

President JRJ had no choice but to seek arms, ammunition and equipment from various countries to meet the emerging military challenge posed by Indian trained Tamil terrorist groups. The LTTE had been one of a half a dozen groups trained, armed and deployed in the 1980s before the launch of Operation Liberation in late May 1987 to destabilise Sri Lanka. In 1989, India formed the Tamil National Army (TNA) to prop up the then North-Eastern Provincial administration of Indian stooge Varatharaja Perumal. Although the US hadn’t provided any armaments to Sri Lanka, two of its closest allies, Israel and Pakistan as well as China, which strongly opposed the Indian-backed Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, made a range of weapons available. Pakistan, China and Israel also provided military training. Sri Lanka also obtained some of her requirements from Italy, and South Africa at the onset of major hostilities. The US also turned a blind eye to Sri Lanka hiring mercenaries, particularly from the Channel Island based Keenie Meenie Security Limited (KMS). Mercenaries performed a range of tasks, including flying helicopters of US origin due to a severe dearth of pilots at the onset of the conflict. Israel also helped build the Sri Lanka Navy (SLN) to the present level. Sri Lanka took delivery of a pair of Fast Attack Craft (FAC) from Israel in 1984. With the gradual build-up of the FAC fleet over the years, the SLN turned FAC squadrons into its main strike force. In spite of objections raised by India and overseas LTTE activists to the sale of armaments to President JRJ’s government, Sri Lanka somehow met the requirements of the armed forces. Unfortunately, there were instances where the JRJ administration turned a blind eye to offers made by reputed arms dealers. A case in point was Sri Lanka ignoring a Brazilian offer to sell Tucano ground attack aircraft in 1985. Asia Week in its May 17, 1987 edition quoted Lawrence Th Sim Zecha, Director of the international marketing division of Brazil’s Bandeirante Holdings Limited as having said: "We were selling Tucano at $ 1.3 mn with a credit package of 20 per cent down an eight-year installment basis at only seven per cent. These were the best terms being offered for any aircraft of its class. Yet, the government was not even interested in looking at our specifications."

The Brazilians made their unsuccessful offer through Colombo agencies. Recent inquiries made by the writer revealed that the Tucano deal had been thwarted by a senior aide to a VVIP for obvious reasons. His family had been the local agent for another company promoting a different aircraft. A senior military officer was privy to the offer made by Brazil explained the circumstances under which the Tucano had been rejected. The official told the writer: "We really felt bad. At a time when many countries were turning down our requests for weapons, Brazil offered a good product at reasonable terms and those at the helm at the political level missed a good opportunity. We were told in no uncertain terms to accept what was offered or just forget about it."

US powered Israeli jets enhance SLAF capability

* War on terror revisited : Part 140

May 30, 2013, 12:00 pm


Israeli built Kfir on the Katunayake runway. Powered by US engine, Kfirs of the No 10 squadron spearheaded the offensive

by Shamindra Ferdinando
On the night of April 27, the LTTE mounted a lagoon borne assault on Kayts Island situated west of the Jaffna peninsula, killing 18 soldiers and injuring several others. It was the worst attack on the Sri Lanka Army (SLA) since the LTTE resumed hostilities in the early hours of April 18, 1995, with the sinking of two Chinese gunboats anchored at the Trincomalee harbour (Tigers break truce, sink two boats––The Island April 20, 1995). The LTTE mounted the unprecedented underwater attack on SLNS Suraya and SLNS Ranasuru just three hours after the then President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga was informed of the LTTE’s decision to break off negotiations due to the reluctance on the part of the government to vacate the army base at Pooneryn, grant the Tigers permission to carry weapons in government-held areas in the Eastern Province and lift restrictions placed on the fishing community as well as movements of food beyond Vavuniya.

The SLA wanted to transfer some of those soldiers wounded in Thursday’s raid on Kayts to the Anuradhapura hospital. Having received treatment at the Palaly Military hospital, four personnel joined the passengers onboard an HS 748 Avro, the first flight out of the Palaly airfield on April 28, 1995. Although the LTTE had been on the offensive in both the northern and eastern districts, the SLAF continued routine flights. The Avro was on a regular flight. The then Northern Zonal Commander of the SLAF Wing Commander Roger Weerasinghe was among the passengers. The LTTE brought down the aircraft immediately after it took off from Palaly. Those on the ground saw one of the two Rolls Royce engines of the British built aircraft on fire before it exploded. The then military spokesman Brigadier Sarath Munasinghe as well as SLAF headquarters strongly denied an LTTE hand in the disaster when the writer asked them whether an LTTE missile had brought it down. (Air Force plane explodes––40 killed; Engine trouble causes major accident after take-off from Palaly air base ––The Island April 29, 1995).

Kolitha Gunatilleke is pictured at the Anuradhapura air base in the early 90s. Argentine-built Pucara attack aircraft in the background
Although a section of the military feared an LTTE hand in the destruction of the aircraft, SLAF headquarters felt it was an unfortunate accident. As the then SLAF chief Air Marshal Oliver Ranasinghe felt an urgent need to inquire into the incident, a senior team of officers left for Palaly the following day.

A group of investigators joined the first military flight to Palaly from Ratmalana via Anuradhapura on the morning of April 29, 1995. The LTTE brought down the second Avro as it approached Palaly airfield killing 52 officers and men. Among the dead were Wing Commander Shirantha Goonetilleke, brother of Chief of Defence Staff Air Chief Marshal Roshan Goonetilleke and three other officers holding the same rank namely D. S. Wickremesinghe, S. Pathirana and Kamal Welgama. Immediately after the attack, SLAF headquarters admitted that both Avros had been shot down by heat seeking missiles. With that the war took a new turn (Tigers down second air force plane with strap line all 52 passengers dead––The Island April 30, 1995)

The SLAF had no option but to suspend transport fights to Palaly, hence causing a major worry for those stationed in bases in the Northern region (SLAF suspends transport flights to North––The Island May 1, 1995). The deployment of anti-aircraft missiles sent shock waves through the political and military establishments. The morale of troops hit a new low, as senior ground commanders struggled to cope with the unexpected crisis. The LTTE was now threatening both air and sea supply routes to the Jaffna peninsula. For want of an overland main supply route, Jaffna based troops entirely depended on air and sea supply routes. Jaffna forces were in peril.

Courageous action

In the wake of the rapidly deteriorating crisis, the then Squadron Leader, Harsha Abeywickrema, the commanding officer of the No 5 Jet Squadron comprising Chinese fighters volunteered to fly over LTTE held territory to show the SLAF’s commitment to the war effort, in spite of the missile threat. SLAF Commander, Air Marshal Harsha Abeywickrema was reluctant to talk about his exploits during the conflict. In fact, Abeywickrema, even after taking over command of the SLAF on February 27, 2011, declined to discuss his war-time experience. AM Abeywickrema discussed a range of issues with the writer in a recent interview. In fact, AM Abeywickrema lamented the failure on the part of successive administrations to adopt tangible measures to neutralise the threat posed by the LTTE.

Commenting on the April 1995 missile crisis, AM Abeywickrema said: "The shooting down of two Avros over Palaly within 48 hours greatly demoralized the armed forces. The loss of almost 100 officers and men, including the then Northern Zonal Commander disturbed the military. I was stationed in China Bay as the deputy to Zonal Commander Salgado. I was also in command of the No 5 Jet Squadron based in China Bay. In my capacity as the Commanding Officer of the only Jet Squadron in service at that time, I volunteered to fly a mission over enemy held territory. I sought approval from Air Marshal Ranasinghe to show the LTTE that we were still up and kicking"

Having obtained Air Marshal Ranasinghe’s approval, Abeywickrema and Flying Officer Janaka Wijetilleke, the only other jet pilot available at China Bay, had undertaken the mission. AM Abeywickrema said: "I briefed FO Wijetilleke of the mission and instructed him to just hang to my wing and to follow. Some of those based at China Bay felt that it could be our last mission. As we got into the cockpits, some personnel waved at us as at least one of us could end up as the latest missile victim. We took two bombs each and 30mm cannon. We dived north of SLA’s forward defence line (FDL) north of Elephant Pass (EP) base and directed bombs at LTTE fortifications and manoeuvred towards the eastern FDL of the EP base, while firing cannon at the enemy. We continued at tree-top level over Velvetiturai and Thondamannar and pulled up over the sea. We flew over the peninsula regardless of the consequences, as we felt nothing could have boosted the morale of those under siege in the Jaffna peninsula. Later, I was told how troops at Elephant Pass and Palaly cheered seeing jets flying low over LTTE-held territory. Although they fired anti-aircraft guns at us, we were too fast. Our mission infused confidence in the pilots. Gradually, we developed strategies to counter threat posed by missiles. Although the LTTE brought down several other aircraft with heat seeking missiles, the SLAF didn’t lose a single jet fighter to a missile attack or anti-aircraft fire.

Shortcomings in strategy

AM Abeywickrema said that the armed forces had averted a major crisis by quickly adopting counter measures to face the missile threat. "Had there been a long delay in meeting the new threat, the entire security forces deployment in the Jaffna peninsula as well as in the Jaffna Islands would have been vulnerable to an LTTE onslaught. Missiles could have deprived the northern bases of urgently needed supplies as well as air support in case of major attacks." AM Abeywickrema acknowledged that until the destruction of the two Avros over Palaly, the SLAF had never felt the need to acquire anti-missile capability.

Abeywickrema recollected the LTTE firing a Rocket Propelled Grenade (RPG) towards a fixed wing aircraft immediately after it landed at the Palaly airfield at the onset of the conflict. Those who had been on the airfield at that time couldn’t explain what really happened. A subsequent search led to the recovery of a part of the used RPG, hence the SLAF was able to identify the type of weapon fired at the aircraft. Luckily it had missed the target. "Had we acquired arms, ammunition and equipment following a careful study, the country would have had a better arsenal to meet the LTTE threat. Unfortunately, we always ordered weapons to counter a particular threat posed by the LTTE. The SLAF having to acquire an anti-missile capability, too, is a case in point. The LTTE exploited our weaknesses to their advantage. Once the armed forces realized their limitations and took remedial measures, the LTTE began to gradually lose ground."

The then head of the LTTE Political Section, S. P. Thamilselvan, declared in Jaffna on May Day 1995 that the war had entered a new phase with the deployment of missiles. Although the LTTE never targeted the Indian Air Force (IAF) with missiles during the deployment of the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) during the Oct. 1987 to March 1990 period, Indian para commandos on August 2, 1988 recovered a surface to air missile and a launcher at Nallur. The then Deputy Indian High Commissioner, Nerupam Sen told the writer that Indian military intelligence had launched a full scale investigation into what he called the missile affair while identifying the recovered weapon as a heat seeking missile of Soviet origin. An irate Sen said that the country of manufacture was not the issue, while emphasizing the pivotal importance of identifying those who had sold missiles to the LTTE (LTTE SAM missile was of Soviet make - Deputy Indian HC ––The Island August 5, 1988).

Flying Kfir over Dead Sea

Heat seeking missiles rendered Italian built Siai Marchettis and Argentine Pucaras in service since 1985 and 1992 virtually useless, compelling the China Bay based No 05 Jet Squadron to take full responsibility. The SLAF was under heavy pressure to introduce another fighter as quickly as possible. The LTTE build-up forced the then government to move quickly.

AM Abeywickrema said: "The SLAF had to bolster its firepower swiftly to meet the emerging threat. The then SLAF leadership felt that the Israeli built modern multi role fighter the Kfir, could meet the challenging task."

Squadron Leader Abeywickrema had been chosen to fly a Kfir in Israel. An SLAF team headed by the then Air Commodore Jayalath Weerakkody (now Sri Lanka’s High Commissioner in Islamabad. Weerakkody holds the rank of Air Chief Marshal), Squadron Leader Abeywickrema and an electronics engineer visited Israel covertly to examine the aircraft. Abeywickrema had the first opportunity to fly a Chinese jet fighter in spite of not having the basic requirement of 250 jet flying experience at the onset of eelam war II. AM Abeywickrema said: "I flew a couple of missions in Israel with their test pilots who proudly displayed the capability of Kfir flying to its limits. I was impressed and recommended it instantly. The main highlights that impressed me was its J 79 engine made in the USA and the WDNS (weapon delivery and Navigational system). I was there for 10 days studying various systems and flying. Israel is the only country one can fly below sea level and I was privileged to fly six times over the Dead Sea. The Dead Sea is a large place in the middle of the country some 1300 ft below sea level and we flew just over water and that was an unbelievable experience. That’s the time we looked at a special camera system that was later fitted to Beech craft and Unmanned Aerial Vehicles too."

Having returned to Sri Lanka, Abeywickrema was fully involved with ground school for Kfirs and flying. But before the Kfirs could be deployed against the LTTE, Abeywickrema was made zonal commander, East as well as Base Commander, China Bay. Priyantha Gunasingha succeeded him. The SLAF deployed Kfirs against the LTTE in 1996.

Kfirs from the Katunayake-based No. 10 Jet Squadron played a pivotal role in the offensive against the LTTE. Sri Lanka’s premier Jet Squadron caused irreparable damage to the LTTE during eelam war IV, with a devastating campaign that gradually eroded the LTTE’ s confidence on the battlefield. Katunayake based No 10 squadron as well as No 12 and No 05 squadrons comprising Russian MiG 27s and Chinese F7s respectively, inflicted heavy damage on the LTTE.

AM Abeywickrema recalled proudly how the SLAF had developed an integrated system that allowed SLAF headquarters to do away with time consuming procedures to facilitate swift action. "During eelam war IV, we had the ability to know what was going on behind their earth bunds. Real time intelligence made a significant difference in the decision making process. We had the time and space to deploy air assets simultaneously, at different locations. In fact, during the Vanni campaign, senior ground commanders had an opportunity to access video footage made available by UAVs and Beech craft. Once fighter pilots visited the Western front to meet the then General Officer Commanding (GOC) 58 Division and Brigade Commanders to discuss ways and means of neutralizing major LTTE fortifications."

As the Task Force I/58 Division was pushing towards Pooneryn on the western front during a critical stage of the ground offensive, Air Vice Marshal Kolitha Gunatilleke received appointment as the Director Air Operations on Nov. 1, 2008-a position he held until being named Chief of Staff on Feb 27, 2011. Gunatilleke, who had flown Siai Marchettis as well as Pucaras during the 1985-1995 period later moved to the Transport Squadron close on the heels of the SLAF removing the Argentine-built twin turbo-prop fixed wing aircraft from the frontline due to missile threat. The SLAF headquarters split the Directorate of Operations into two sections––Air Operations and Ground Operations in the wake of the devastating LTTE raid on Anuradhapura air base in late Oct. 2007. The then AVM Abeywickrema, who had been responsible for both air and ground deployment in his capacity as the Director Operations since May 2006 was the first to oversee air operations since the split of the directorate.

A difficult beginning: SLAF re-enters jet era with acquisition of F7s

*War on terror revisited : Part 139

May 28, 2013, 8:34 pm


 Sri Lanka’s first team of supersonic fighters (L to R) Flying Officer Janaka Wijetileke, Flt. Lt. Priyantha Gunasinghe, Sqn. Ldr. Harsh Abeywickrama, Fg. Off. Sudarshana Pathirana and Flying Officer Sajeewa Hendawitharana in front of F7 BS on apron at Katunayake following a mission 1993.

by Shamindra Ferdinando

Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa asserted that whatever the armaments at the disposal of the Sri Lanka Air Force (SLAF) during Eelam war IV (August 2006 to May 2009), it was the man at the controls who made a difference in the battlefield. He was addressing SLAF top brass at the Katunayake air base on June 11, 2009, at a ceremony to mark the conclusion of air operations against the LTTE.

The war ended on the morning of May 19, 2009 with the recovery of LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakaran’s body on the banks of the Nanthikadal lagoon.

Among the audience were the then SLAF commander, Air Chief Marshal Roshan Gunatilleke and the then Air Vice Marshal Harsha D. Abeywickrama, who, in his capacity as the Director of Operations/Director of Air Operations, oversaw the devastating air campaign directed against the LTTE. Abeywickrama, who assumed the post of Director Operations in May 2006 at the onset of eelam war II with the rank of Air Commodore, was subsequently elevated to the rank of Air vice Marshal with his appointment as the Deputy Chief of Staff. Abeywickrama was appointed Commander of the SLAF on Feb. 28, 2011 and was promoted to the rank of Air Marshal following a short stint as Chief of Staff.

In the immediate aftermath of the debilitating LTTE raid on the Anuradhapura SLAF base on the night of Oct 22, 2007, the SLAF created the post of Director Ground Operations, a responsibility hitherto handled by Director Operations. With the creation of the new post, Abeywickrama was made Director, Air Operations.

The writer was present at the function at Katunayake, which culminated with the impressive show by the Katunayake-based jet squadrons. Thanking the SLAF on behalf of President Mahinda Rajapaksa, the Defence Secretary emphasised the critical importance of having capable and courageous men in charge of operations. Rajapaksa went on to praise the SLAF’s fighting, air surveillance as well as support units with special emphasis on the three jet squadrons, comprising Israeli, Chinese and Russian aircraft and the Hingurakgoda based attack helicopter squadron, which caused irreparable damage to the LTTE.

SLAF chief speaks out

For want of better arms, ammunition and equipment as well as political direction at the highest level, the armed forces had been struggling for three decades before the LTTE could be finished off, Air Marshal Abeywickrama told The Island, in his first interview since taking over the service. AM Abeywickrama said: "A case in point is the SLAF’s failure to acquire a suitable jet at the onset of the conflict. Had our armed forces obtained appropriate armaments at the right time, we could have had the upper hand at the beginning of the conflict. Although counter-insurgency operations got underway even before the unprecedented LTTE attack on the SLA claimed the lives of 13 personnel in July 1983, we never realised the importance of having suitable equipment, along with a corresponding increase in our strength. Two years into major anti-insurgency operations after the July 1983 killings, the SLAF acquired three Siai Marchetti SF 260 TPs for deployment in the role of light attack/trainer. Having acquired SF 260s in 1985, we also went for the Siai Marchetti SF 260 W in 1990. Sadly, the Italian built light attack aircraft wasn’t the best buy. It didn’t give us the required edge over the LTTE."

Abeywickrama, who had flown both versions of the SF 260s during his days as a Flying Officer said: "Had the SLAF secured the Brazilian built Tucano fighter instead of Siai Marchettis, it could have made a difference. Unfortunately, we had no option but to go for the Siai Marchettis due to political compulsions. Such meddling had a catastrophic impact on the overall strategy. The bottom line was, we couldn’t secure the right equipment at the right time, hence we lost an opportunity to exploit the situation."

Abeywickrama recollected the difficult conditions under which the Siai Marchetti team comprising him, C.T. Gunawardena, R. Pakyanathan, Salgado and Shirantha Gunatilleke had striven to accomplish the challenging task of providing air support. Commenting on operations undertaken by Siai Marchettis during Operation Liberation (May-June 1987) in the Jaffna peninsula, Abeywickrama said that the SLAF could have had done a better job if a better aircraft had been made available. "Unfortunately, we had to manage with Siai Marchettis. They were followed by the Argentine built IA58 FMA Pucara. The Pucara ground attack aircraft was the first of its kind to join the SLAF. The SLAF acquired Pucaras in 1991 during eelam war II to enhance ground attack capabilities. We had no option but to acquire whatever was made available to us due to restrictions placed on the sale of armaments to Sri Lanka at that time. We never had the wherewithal to go all out against the LTTE and other terrorist groups during eelam war I (July 1983 to June 1987) as well as eelam war II (June 1990 to August 1994)."

Slow build-up

During the period, 1983 to 1985, the SLAF acquired 11 Bell 212 helicopters, four Bell 412 helicopters, three Siai Marchettis, two Cessna 337s, one Avro HS 748 and one Beech King. The SLAF took delivery of 3 Bell 212 choppers, one Avro HS 748, five Siai Marchettis and two Y 12 light transport aircraft.

Although the SLAF had experience in operating the UK built Hunting Percival Jet Provost MK 3 A (1959-1979), MiG 15 UTI (1971-1981) as well as MiG 17 (1971 -1981), when the eelam conflict erupted in July 1983, the service didn’t have a genuine ground attack capability. The then government took two years to acquire a light attack/trainer aircraft in the form of Siai Marchettis after the outbreak of major hostilities and six more years to obtain Pucaras. Both the Siai Marchettis and the Pucaras, though being capable of playing an anti-insurgency role, weren’t jets.

Had the then government formulated a contingency plan, the armed forces could have had obtained the required armaments and prepared themselves to face any eventuality during the suspension of hostilities, during the deployment of the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) in the then temporarily-merged Northern and Eastern Province (July 1987 to March 1990). The political leadership overlooked the need to enhance the fighting capabilities of the armed forces, believing direct talks between the government and the LTTE (May 1989-June 1990) would pave the way for a negotiated settlement. Unfortunately, the top brass remained passive onlookers fearing the wrath of President Ranasinghe Premadasa, who warned them to ensure an incident-free environment, whatever the provocation. According to SLAF records, during President Premadasa’s fragile peace with Prabhakaran, Sri Lanka acquired four more Y 12 transport aircraft of Chinese origin and one Y-8 heavy transport aircraft.

SLAF chief Abeywickrama recalled the crisis caused by the sudden Indian declaration that the Indian Air Force (IAF) would carry out a food drop over the Jaffna peninsula on the late afternoon of June 4, 1987. Abeywickrama said: "India intervened as the ground forces were making progress on the northern front. Two columns of troops under the command of the then Brigadier Denzil Kobbekaduwa and Colonel Wijaya Wimalaratne were deployed on the front. India wanted the government not to interfere with the food drop, warning of dire consequences in case we resorted to hostile action. In view of the Indian warning we were directed to move Siai Marchettis out of the operational areas and hide them in the south. We resented the Indian move. We could have had an opportunity to push towards Jaffna if not for Indian intervention. "

Even if President JRJ had wanted to oppose the Indian move, the SLAF would not have been able to do so vis-a-vis a group of five IAF AN 32 transport aircraft of Russian origin approaching the Jaffna peninsula. AN 32s deployed for the airdrop codenamed ‘Operation Poomalai’ had been escorted by the IAF’s Mirage fighters of French origin. The air drop took place against the backdrop of the Sri Lanka Navy (SLN) thwarting a flotilla of civilian craft carrying food stocks crossing the Indo-Lanka maritime boundary. The IAF flew over the Palaly air base. The Indian action was meant to humiliate Sri Lanka.



A dearth of the required number of pilots to serve the SLAF was a major problem, particularly during the early stages of the eelam conflict. The SLAF had no option but to retain the services of foreign pilots. Even after the acquisition of Siai Marchettis in 1985, the total strength of SLAF pilots’ contingent tasked to operate attack aircraft, transport as well as helicopters consisted of less than 40 peronnel. At the time, the SLAF established No 5 jet squadron comprising Chinese aircraft the service had about 55 to 60 pilots representing all categories. The formation of the fully fledged No 5 squadron in 1992 paved the way for the SLAF to acquire Israeli Kfirs (1996), Russian MiG 27 (2000) and Chinese F7 GS (January 2008), to augment the offensive capability. SLAF Commander Air Marshal Harsha Abeywickrama is of the opinion that in spite of the conclusion of the war, the armed forces should retain an effective fighting capability. The veteran flyer insisted that contingency plans were a must to meet any eventuality. Abeywickrama said: "The country had to pay a very heavy price for neglecting its defence needs over a long period of time. Now that we have crushed terrorism, we should have a comprehensive security strategy. The bottom line is that the threat of terrorism remains, though the LTTE no longer retains a fighting capability. Sri Lanka cannot ignore particularly the Diaspora factor, and those still pursing the eelam project. "

Air Marshal Abeywickrama said that during the IPKF deployment here in accordance with the Indo Lanka Accord (ILA), the SLAF had carried out several missions in support of the Indian Army, before the IAF brought in Mi 24 helicopter gunships in October 1987. As the IPKF never felt the need to engage in large scale operations here at the time of its deployment in July 1987, it had not bothered to avail itself of air assets in the contingent assigned for peace keeping duties here, Abeywickrama said. The SLAF deployed a Bell 212 in support of an operation involving para-commandos and the Sikh Light Infantry on the night of Oct 10/Oct 11, 1987 to seize the Jaffna University. The air-borne raid ended in disaster.

Enter Chinese jets

The SLAF felt the urgent need for genuine jet fighters after the LTTE had scored a spate of significant battlefield victories at the onset of Eelam war II. The SLAF asserted that it could no longer provide effective support for ground forces with Siai Marchettis and Pucaras. Abeywickrama said: "In the wake of a major LTTE build-up targeting SLA bases in the Jaffna peninsula as well as the Vanni mainland, the SLAF simply struggled to sustain operations with available aircraft. We really wanted a real fighter aircraft which could make a significant difference. We pushed for a squadron of A5s of Chinese origin. But due to external factors, China, one of the few countries supportive of our military effort, indicated only F7 BSs and FT 5 jet trainers can be made available to us. We bought altogether seven aircraft."

The then (1) Flying Officer Avindra Mirando, (2)Flying Officer Sajeewa Hendawitharana, (3) Flying Officer Janaka Wijetileke, (4) Flying Officer Sudarshana Pathirana (5) Flight Lieutenant Priyantha Gunasinge and (6)Sqn Ldr Harsh Abeywickrama with Chinese crew

The transaction almost went awry due to another major problem. The Chinese said that only a pilot with 250 hours of jet flying experience could get into an FT 5. As the SLAF hadn’t operated a single jet since 1981 with the phasing out of MiG 15s and MiG 17s, the service didn’t have a single pilot to meet the Chinese standards. But Flying Lieutenant Abeywickrama accepted the challenging task and much to the delight of the SLAF delegation flew the aircraft. A smiling Abeywickrama said: "It was a new experience, a challenging task. But I felt I could do it. When I was asked whether a jet squadron could be operated, I accepted the assignment. Overnight, SLAF headquarters issued instructions regarding the formation of No 05 squadron comprising F7s and F5s. To facilitate the operation of jets, the SLAF extended its runway at China Bay."

Unlike Siai Marchettis and Pucaras, Chinese jets required a longer runway. Siai Marchettis and Pucaras operated from Anuradhapura, Vavuniya and China Bay.

Flying Lieutenant Abeywickrama was promoted to the rank of Squadron Leader and placed in charge of the SLAF’s first jet squadron. It was an unenviable task.

Then the SLAF project suffered another setback. The Chinese had declined to teach SLAF pilots ground attack techniques as their agreement envisaged only flying training. Sri Lanka had to turn towards Pakistan to secure the required expertise. Successive Pakistani governments had been supportive of Sri Lanka’s anti-terrorism efforts and the then administration in Islamabad paved the way for SLAF pilots to undergo training in Pakistan.

The newly promoted Squadron Leader Abeywickrama was given the unprecedented opportunity to pick his own team. Abeywickrama said: "Of the six officers picked by me, only one declined to join the first group of pilots assigned for No. 5 squadron. They were the best and readily accepted the challenging task of operating in a new environment."

P’karan miscalculates launch of eelam war II

Had the LTTE launched its offensive in mid 1989 instead of June 1990, the government wouldn’t have survived

War on terror revisited : Part 138

May 21, 2013, 7:11 pm

Brigadier Wijaya Wimalaratne, the founder of the Gajaba Regiment with the then Lieutenant Colonel Gotabhaya Rajapakshe (Center) and Colonel Premachandra, one-time Commanding Officer of Fifth battalion of GR

Fighting the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) boosted the LTTE’s morale. In fact, the majority of senior commanders had gained battlefield experience thanks to the IPKF. The LTTE, which had received military training courtesy Indian military instructors in early 80s caused immense losses on the IPKF, both in terms of men and material after the outbreak of fighting on Oct. 10, 1987. The LTTE also defeated the Tamil National Army (TNA) formed by the IPKF in late 1989 to prop up the then Chief Minister of the temporarily merged North –Eastern Province, Varatharaja Perumal. The LTTE had President Premadasa’s blessings to annihilate the TNA in a series of lightning operations which left hundreds of TNA cadres dead.In some instances, the Sri Lankan military actively supported the LTTE project during the latter part of 1989 and early 1990. The government and the military hierarchy realised their folly in June 1990. Fortunately, the LTTE, due to miscalculation on its part delayed the launch of Eelam war II until June 1990. Had it commenced the offensive at the height of the JVP terror campaign, the government wouldn’t have been able to fight on two fronts.


by Shamindra Ferdinando

The Sri Lanka Army (SLA) was fully involved in anti-JVP operations in support of the police from July 1987 to early 1990. Except for a few infantry battalions plus support elements, its total strength was deployed to quell the second JVP inspired insurgency.

In accordance with the Indo-Lanka Accord (ILA) the SLA was confined to barracks. The IPKF thwarted SLA attempts to reinforce its bases which were vulnerable to LTTE attacks.

The Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) had been engaged in offensive military operations targeting the LTTE since Oct. 10, 1987.

In spite of the ILA, which prohibited the deployment of the SLA against the LTTE and other Tamil groups trained and armed by India, the recruitment of youth to the ranks of the armed forces continued. With the gradual build-up, the SLA by early 1988 consisted of about 30,000 personnel, though the actual fighting strength was very much less.

In early 1988, the SLA established two Divisions, with the then Army Commander Lt. General Nalin Seneviratne (Feb. 12, 1985 to Aug. 15, 1988) declaring that reorganization was an urgent necessity for better chain of command. Seneviratne asserted that the SLA could no longer delay the formation of Division due to rapid increase of its strength (Sri Lanka Army to be revamped with a strap line For a better chain of command––The Island March 13, 1988).

In accordance with the reorganization plan, the SLA upgraded the North Central Command headquartered at Anuradhapura to Division I headquarters. The then Colonel A. M. U. Seneviratne, who had been in command at Anuradhapura was succeeded by Maj. Gen. Hamilton Wanasinghe. Seneviratne remained at the Division II headquarters. Except for the SLA deployment in the Trincomalee district, all other troops stationed in the Northern and Eastern districts were placed under Division II.

Division I headquartered at Panagoda was responsible for the SLA deployment in support of the police battling the JVP. Having examined shortcomings in the overall security forces response to the JVP threat, the government towards the latter part of 1988 established ‘Operations Combine’ under the command of the then Army Chief of Staff Maj. Gen. Cecil Waidyaratne. The then Military Secretary Brig. Lucky Wijeratne functioned as Waidyaratne’s deputy. ‘Operations Combine’ operated outside the normal chain of command with the then State Minister for Defence Ranjan Wijeratne personally in charge of the operation. Those spearheading operations had the authority to conduct raids in any part of the country without having to alert coordinating officers responsible for respective districts. Interestingly, the government included a police element in ‘Operations Combine’ with DIG A. S. Seneviratne, in charge of Colombo at the helm. The writer had the opportunity to report on the dispersing of ‘Operations Combine’ at the BMICH on March 3, 1989, with Maj. Gen. Waidyaratne proudly declaring that it had taken only months to break the backbone of the JVP (Ranjan Wijeratne thanks ‘Operations Combine’ for wiping out subversive movement –The Island March 4, 1990)

At the inauguration of the Sixth battalion of the GR several weeks before outbreak of eelam war II on June 10, 1990. Second from left Major Tissa Jayawardena (CO/6 GR), Captain N. Senadeera, Major Neil Dias ( Second-in-Command 6 GR)
The ‘Operations Combine’ functioned well under Waidyaratne’s command though a section of the military despised some of its tactics. At the onset of anti-insurgency project undertaken by the ‘Operations Combine’ the command of the SLA changed with Hamilton Wanasinghe succeeding Lt. Gen. Nalin Seneviratne on August 15, 1988. The then Major General Mike Silva, in spite of being the Chief of Staff during Lt. Gen. Seneviratne’s tenure as the commander was overlooked.

Two weeks before the change of SLA command, the then General Officer Commanding (JOC) of the Joint Operations Command (JOC) General Cyril Ranatunga retired paving the way for retired SLAF Chief Air vice Marshal Walter Fernando to take over the JOC. Still, the top priority remained the quelling of the JVP insurrection with the focus on districts outside the temporarily merged North-East Province, where the JVP was causing mayhem. Although a section of the military establishment remained seriously concerned about the Tamil terrorist groups, the political leadership ignored the threat. The military neglected training troops to face any eventuality. In the northern and eastern districts, particularly in the Jaffna peninsula, the military lost ground due to the IPKF taking over major sections of their bases.

Foolish moves

Having entered into a direct round of negotiations with the LTTE in May 1989, President Ranasinghe Premadasa ordered the SLA to strictly observe ceasefire regardless of provocations. He immediately after having won December 1988 presidential election, ordered the release of nearly 2,000 JVP suspects. Their release resulted in immediate increase in attacks. An angry President directed State Minister for Defence Ranjan Wijeratne to go all out against the JVP. As mentioned before, the establishment of the ‘Operations Combine’ headed by Maj. Gen. Cecil Waidyaratne took place a few months after the JVP spurned President Premadasa’s peace offer.

Army Chief Lt. Gen. Wanasinghe ordered change of command in operational areas on May 15, 1989, with Brigadier J. R. S. de Silva of the Engineers Regiment placed in charge of troops deployed in the northern and eastern districts. Brig. Wijaya Wimalaratne, the Principal Staff Officer of the Operational Headquarters of the Defence Ministry was named the senior officer responsible for North Central and Central Provinces. The remaining provinces came under Army Chief of Staff Major General Cecil Waidyaratne (Changes in army from tomorrow––The Island May 14, 1989).

In spite of the change of command, the government continued to neglect urgent requirements of security forces. President Premadasa went to the extent of declaring after a meeting at Sucharitha attended by service commanders and LTTE representatives led by their theoretician, Anton Balasingham that security forces would now have to find a new enemy to fight. President Premadasa had been confident of a negotiated settlement, whereas a section of the military felt resumption of hostilities was inevitable. Unfortunately, no one dared advise President Premadasa against arming and financing the LTTE during direct negotiations (May 1989 to June 1990) though some of those who were close to him are critical of his actions today.

Former UNP Deputy Leader Sajith Premadasa, MP, insisted that his father had been genuine in his efforts to reach a negotiated settlement with the LTTE. Having realized that LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakaran had been trying to take advantage of the situation, President Premadasa sought to cause a split in the organization by strengthening LTTE deputy Gopalsamy Mahendraraja alias Mahattaya, who had been a member of the outfit’s negotiating team, MP Premadasa told the writer. Had President Premadasa succeeded, the LTTE would have had experienced a debilitating setback at that time and the ground situation conducive for a devastating counter attack in case the LTTE resumed hostilities. Unfortunately, the plan went awry as Prabhakaran executed Mahattaya and his loyalists.

Amidst negotiations between President Premadasa and the LTTE, the JVP stepped up attacks on security forces and the police. A wave of attacks on off-duty personnel in early 1989 sent shock waves through the military, with the JVP warning security forces and police to resign or face the consequences. The JVP also targeted family members of serving security forces and police personnel. But, some felt that it had been part of a despicable strategy aimed at compelling security forces and the police to go the whole hog and finish off the JVP.

Some senior officers incurred the wrath of the political leadership for failing to carry out illegal orders. In some instances, the SLA declined to take such orders from politicians. A case in point was the shifting of the First battalion of the Gemunu Watch (I GW) commanded by the then Lieutenant Colonel Hiran Halangode, which had been deployed in the districts of Moneragala, Ampara and Batticaloa. State Minister for Defence Ranjan Wijeratne directed Lt. Gen. Wanasinghe to remove I GW from Moneragala as it hadn’t been able to produce the desired results. Lt. Col. Halangode’s formation served in Ampara for 10 months before being deployed in the Batticaloa District on May 18, 1990. Alongside the I GW, the SLA deployed the newly raised Sixth battalion of Sri Lanka Light Infantry (6 SLLI). The Infantry battalions had been badly handicapped as they were compelled to transfer one rifle company and composite platoons to the newly raised Infantry battalions in late May 1990.

Newly raised battalions had to face fire as soon as fighting erupted during the second week of June 1990. The expansion had been in accordance with normal expansion though some felt the SLA was preparing for any eventuality. The SLA raised the Sixth battalion of the Gajaba Regiment (6 GR) in Vavuniya on the morning of May 17, 1990. The 6 GR consisted of elements from I GR, 3 GR as well as 4 GR, three of the SLA’s foremost fighting formations. It was part of the ongoing gradual expansion of the SLA. By the time Eelam war II erupted, the 6GR had been deployed in Vavuniya, the scene of many terrorist attacks. Likewise, the formation of new battalions continued, though it was never meant to destabilise President Premadasa’s peace bid. The infantry consisted of Sri Lanka Light Infantry (SLLI), the Sinha Regiment (SR), the Gemunu Watch ( GW), the Gajaba Regiment (GR) and the Vijayabahu Infantry Regiment (VIR). The infantry lacked the required strength to neutralize the LTTE threat at an early stage of eelam war II. The situation would have been much worse had security forces and the police failed to eradicate the JVP by early 1990. By late Feb. 1990, the top JVP leadership except for the present leader Somawansa Amarasinghe had been eliminated. Amarasinghe, too, would have met the same fate if not for the help he received from a section of the government at that time to escape to India, where Indian authorities looked after him before facilitating his migration to the UK. Had President Premadasa’s government forced to fight on two fronts, it would have most probably collapsed as it obviously lacked the wherewithal to engage the LTTE and the JVP at the same time. In hindsight, the LTTE could have achieved its military objectives had it launched Eelam war II at the height of the JVP insurgency. The then Brigadier A. M. U. Seneviratne, who had been Security Forces Commander, South at the time fighting erupted acknowledged that fighting on two fronts simultaneously would have been impossible. Seneviratne, based in Galle was directed to lead one column of troops to rescue troops under siege in Batticaloa. Overnight, the SLA shifted battalions deployed against the JVP to the northern and eastern districts. Those at training centres, too, were unceremoniously rushed to the battle front to meet urgent requirement for additional muscle. The Fifth battalion of the Gemunu Watch (5 GW) was deployed in the districts of Galle and Kalutara at the time fighting erupted. It was immediately dispatched in support of troops deployed in Trincomalee before being shifted to Palaly. Within days after the outbreak of hostilities, the SLA hardly had any reserves in the south. By the time, Maj. Gene. Denzil Kobbekaduwa replaced Maj. Gen. J. R. S. de Silva as the GoC of the Anuradhapura based Division II on July 11, 1990, the entire fighting strength was deployed against the LTTE. In spite of that the SLA couldn’t consolidate its position as the LTTE sustained the momentum of its offensive. Within 72 hours after the change of northern command, the LTTE overran isolated Kokavil detachment on the Kandy-Jaffna A9 road, north of Vavuniya. During the last week of July 1990, the SLA abandoned Kilinochchi. In late November 1990, the SLA quit Mankulam hence leaving the A9 road north of Vavuniya right up to Elephant Pass in the hands of the LTTE. Although SLA bases at Mullaitivu and Silavathurai managed to repulse major attacks in August 1990 and March 1991, respectively, thanks to the timely intervention of combined reinforcements, the government couldn’t regain the initiative. The LTTE remained fully focused on offensive operations on multiple fronts, while the SLA struggled to prevent Jaffna peninsula being isolated. Had that happened, the LTTE would have emerged invincible.