Wartime, post-conflict foreign funding of local groups, political parties, etc.

SPECIAL REPORT : Part 323

June 30, 2020, 8:29 pm

Lawmakers at the launch of 3-year USD 13 mn project in Nov 2016 in paliament to strengthen what the USAID called Sri Lanka's Parliament’s accountability and democratic governance

By Shamindra Ferdinando

Over a decade after the conclusion of the war some civil society groups/Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) have taken up new challenges.

In the wake of the unprecedented crisis caused by coronavirus, the National Peace Council (NPC) had an opportunity to provide relief to the needy courtesy foreign donors.  The writer sought an explanation from the NPC’s Executive Director, Dr. Jehan Perera, soon after the Canadian High Commission in Colombo announced a substantial grant for the organisation for corona relief work.

The issue was raised on April 23, 2020, after Canadian HC announced CAD $56,000 (approximately 7.5 million LKR) to the NPC.

Asked as to why the NPC was given a Canadian grant to help Covid-19 affected communities, Dr. Perera said: "Even before the Canadian HC gave us this grant, our inter-religious committees, at the community level, were doing their own COVID relief work and this made us ask our donors to permit us to reallocate some of the funds given to us for educational and advocacy purposes to enable humanitarian work to be done.  Canada has gone one step further and also given us additional funds to distribute dry rations through our network of inter-religious committees and partner organizations, at the district and divisional levels.

A Canadian grant

The Government of Canada has provided over CAD $56,000 (approximately 7.5 million LKR) to support Sri Lanka’s response to the Covid-19 pandemic, through targeted relief to some of those most affected, in vulnerable communities, the Canadian HC said in a statement, headlined ‘Canada supports communities impacted by the Covid-19 crisis in Sri Lanka’

The April 23 datelined statement, issued in Colombo said that the funds were granted to the NPC, through the Canada Fund for Local Initiatives (CFLI).

"The National Peace Council of Sri Lanka is part of the Civil Society Committee of the Presidential Covid-19 Task Force. With an established network, around the country, consisting of district level NGOs and inter-religious committees, the NPC will provide dry rations to many districts, nation-wide. As the lockdown and 24-hour curfew proved to be a serious challenge to many, the NPC will assist those in dire need, the mission said.

The statement quoted David McKinnon, High Commissioner of Canada to Sri Lanka, as having said: "I am impressed by the resolve of individuals, organizations and the various levels of government, in Sri Lanka in responding to this unprecedented global crisis".  HC McKinnon continued, "Through Canada’s support, we hope to assist the most vulnerable communities as they combat this disease and its severe economic impacts. I am glad we could work with the NPC to respond quickly to an identified need, working across communities and around the country".

The HC said: "As a response to the fight against the Covid-19 pandemic – and to continue its mission to build trust in society and strengthen relations between ethnic and religious communities – the NPC will engage in crisis mitigation interventions by supplying dry rations to institutions, marginalized individuals and families identified by its partner network and state officials nation-wide. This will include persons with disabilities (PWDs), female-headed households, orphanages, long-term care facilities as well as elders’ homes."

The Canadian statement quoted Dr. Jehan Perera as having said; "There is a need for solidarity at this time across people, ethnicities, religions, regions and countries.  We are happy to be a part of this process to look after the most affected with Canada’s assistance."  

The NPC believes that engaging in these activities will strengthen collaboration across ethnic and religious divides, and encourage future integration. As always, Canada is honoured to work with local organizations for a prosperous, inclusive and healthy Sri Lanka, the HC concluded the statement.

According to the Canadian HC statement, received by the writer, Canada wouldn’t fund activities, related to the direct medical needs and interventions related to the pandemic. The NPC website listed help provided to different communities so far with the funds received from Canada.

The NPC, established in Feb 1995, as part of the overall efforts/protests against violence in the run-up to the 1994 presidential polls, subsequently transformed the group to a premier peace-making organization. The NPC played a significant role in President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumarat-unga’s failed peace initiative in 1994-1995 and the high profile, but disastrous, Norway peace mission during Kumaratunga’s second term. 

A Norwegian donation

PAFFREL (People’s Action for Free and Fair Elections), too, received a Norwegian grant in support of its efforts. The project was meant to help PAFFREL follow health and safety regulations to prevent the spread of coronavirus, during the parliamentary polls period and also to facilitate more women, involved in the election process and elections monitoring procedure. Having received confirmation of the agreement between Rohana Hettiarachchi, Executive Director of PAFFREL, and Ms. Monica Svenskerud, Chargé d’affaires of the Norwegian Embassy in Colombo, the writer requested the Oslo mission here to reveal the funding made available to the civil society group. According to the Embassy, NOK 300,000 (or Rs 5.6 million) had been provided to PAFFREL, to facilitate its initiative. Norway funded PAFFREL, at the 2019 presidential polls, as well. At the moment, PAFFREL remains the only recipient of Norwegian grants for poll monitoring work.

PAFFREL has been engaged in polls monitoring work, since 1987. Having registered in terms of the Companies Act No 17 of 1982, and re-registered under the Companies Act No 07 of 2007, PAFFREL’s original objectives were to prevent malpractices and violence before, during and after elections, as mentioned by the group in its website.

Civil society/NGOs received substantial foreign funding during the conflict. The end of the conflict in May 2009, with the eradication of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) and the gradual transformation of the electoral process/electioneering, compelled interconnected PAFFREL, NPC el al to explore ways and means of new initiatives.

In spite of their much-touted determination, to conduct free and fair elections, both PAFFREL and NPC conveniently refrained from commenting on LTTE/TNA (Tamil National Alliance) directive to the northern electorate not to exercise their franchise in support of UNP candidate Ranil Wickremesinghe, or PA candidate Mahinda Rajapaksa at the Nov 17, 2005 presidential poll. The LTTE/TNA move helped Mahinda Rajapaksa to defeat Ranil Wickremesinghe by 186,000 votes. The result swiftly created an environment conducive for the LTTE to resume large scale hostilities, in August 2006. To make a long story short, Kumaran Pathmanathan alias KP told the writer in an exclusive interview (the first while the LTTE’s one-time chief arms procurer was in the custody of the Directorate of Military Intelligence); the LTTE believed Mahinda Rajapaksa’s election would make things easy for the group. KP was brought to Colombo, in August 2009, in agreement with Malaysia - certainly the highest point of cooperation received from an influential country in Sri Lanka’s battle against the LTTE.  The rest is history.

A contentious issue

Irony of all this is that though most who work in these organisations must be honourable men and women, but what legitimacy do they have to be appointed as guardians of this country by alien interests and even to get aid that had been ostensibly declared as given to the country, while the legitimately elected government just has to watch such theatrics with its hands virtually tied behind its back. Lo and behold you know what happens to governments that would even dare to question such world order established by the self-appointed international community of the West.

 Foreign funds are granted/received on various pretexts. Funding is always meant to promote objectives, values and overall strategies of sponsors, regardless who the recipient is, but the question is are they in the interest of the country concerned. Sponsors strategies are always the same, whether the recipient happened to be a government or an NGO/civil society. Even political parties may have received substantial funds, over the years, though parliament, Election Department/Election Commission and polls monitoring groups never bothered to inquire into allegations. Instead, they focus on ‘minor’ matters. Complaining about displaying of posters and banners seems ridiculous in a country where those rejected by the electorate are routinely accommodated, in parliament, through the back door – the respective National Lists of political parties.

A section of the international media recently reported how Canada spent over Canadian Dollars 2 mn in its failed and humiliating bid to secure one of the rotating slots in the UN Security Council. Norway and Ireland obtained the required two-thirds of vote. Documents secured by CBC News, in terms of Access to Information law, revealed how Canada lavishly spent taxpayers’ money to win a place among group of 10 elected on a rotating basis at the Security Council. Five are permanent members – China, France, Russia, the United Kingdom and the United States. Canada lost two previous bids, in 1946 and 2010. The media reported Canada spent a staggering USD 10 mn in its last successful bid in 1998. Who benefited from Canada’s generosity? 

 President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s government refrained from voting for Norway, Canada or Ireland. The decision not to vote for Norway and Canada reflected the incumbent government’s disapproval of the stand taken by them as regards the accountability issue. It would be pertinent to mention that foreign powers respond to a particular situation as part of their overall efforts to appease the electorate. Large groups of voters, especially of Sri Lankan Tamil origin and their extended families influence Western powers. Canada is a case in point. Over a decade after the successful conclusion of the war, some Canadian politicians continue to play ball with those who had backed the macabre LTTE separatist project.

A failed civil society project

During the war, foreign powers pumped massive amounts of money, through various civil society groups/NGOs as part of their efforts to discourage Sri Lanka from seeking a battlefield victory. The operation was meant to influence successive governments, and the electorate by way of costly projects undertaken with foreign funding. Such projects continued, even after the eradication of the LTTE’s conventional military power. The civil society was given access even to the military. The civil society was accommodated in the Government delegation to Geneva Human Rights Council sessions.

"Pawns of Peace: Evaluation of Norwegian peace efforts in Sri Lanka (1997-2009)" released in Sept. 2011 revealed the extent of the Norwegian operation here. Of NOK 2.5 bn spent here, during the 1997-2009 period, NOK 100 mn had been allocated in support of the peace process, including the Norway-led Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission and Peace Secretariats of the government and the LTTE. Substantial funds were made available to the NPC, the International Centre for Ethnic Studies (ICES) and the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA). In addition to them, the then darling of the Norwegians, Dr. Kumar Rupesinghe’s two groups, namely the Foundation for Co-existence, and the National Anti-War Front, received a significant amount of Norwegian funding. There had been several other projects by FLICT (Facilitating Local Initiatives for Conflict Transformation) and One-Text initiative. Foreign donors went to the extent of providing funding to the LTTE by way of the Tamil Rehabilitation Organization (TRO). The Norwegian report revealed allocation of NOK 210 mn (USS 28 mn) to NGOs et al between 2001 and 2004 in support of the high profile peace project. According to the report, of that amount, NOK 200 mn had been shared by 10 NGOs, with Dr. Rupesinghe’s Foundation for Co-existence receiving the lion’s share (NOK 35 mn or USD 6 mn).

The report identified Canada, Germany, the Netherlands, Sweden, Switzerland, the UK and the US, as other major donors.

Norway revealed the exact amount allocated to Dr. Rupesinghe in the wake of them clashing over what the NGO guru claimed was the failure on the part of the sponsor to honour the agreement between them. The NGO project went awry primarily, due to the LTTE's mistaken belief that the armed forces could be defeated in a conventional conflict. The NGO project couldn’t convince the then President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s government that the LTTE was invincible. Once the LTTE resumed large scale hostilities, in August 2006, the government launched a combined offensive of its own. Sri Lanka sustained the offensive until ground forces cornered the LTTE leadership, on the Vanni east front.

Absence of efficient mechanism to

monitor foreign funding

Sri Lanka lacked a proper mechanism to keep track of foreign funding. In spite of Sri Lanka civil society/NGO sector being a major recipient of foreign funding, the country is yet to put in place an efficient system to monitor foreign funding. In the absence of such a system, various interested parties exploited situations to receive funding. Those who bitterly complain about the military assigned specific targets in support of civil administration, appreciate the civil society/NGO role. They cleverly exploit shortcomings on the part of successive governments to pursue strategies, sometimes inimical to the country. The NGO community is good at what it does. It benefits from the failures of those elected governments. That is the unpalatable truth.

Sri Lanka never bothered to examine the US State Department declaration that funds to the tune of US 585 mn were spent on restoring democracy in Myanmar, Nigeria and Sri Lanka, in 2014/2015.  Sri Lanka also ignored the revelation that US funding had been made available between the 2015 January presidential poll and the 2015 August parliamentary polls. There had been a number of other projects, including funding three-year programme worth USD 13 mn(Rs 1.92 bn) as well as funding provided to the Election Commission (EC).

One-time Northern Province Chief Minister C.V. Wigneswaran, recently questioned criticism of his decision to seek Diaspora funding in support of the Thamizhi Makkal Tesiya Kootani or the Tamil People’s National Alliance (TPNA), in the run-up to the August 5, 2020 parliamentary polls. Addressing the media, at the Jaffna Press Club, on June 23, 2020, the retired Supreme Court judge justified his call for Diaspora funding on the basis major political parties and politicians in the South received plenty of funding from various sponsors. Wigneswaran underscored his right to secure funding from sponsors overseas.

Sri Lanka should, without further delay, establish a mechanism capable of monitoring funds received by various organizations and individuals. During the Parliamentary Select Committee (PSC) proceedings, in respect of the Easter Sunday attacks, the then Governor of the Central Bank, Dr. Indrajith Coomaraswamy revealed how parliament weakened its regulatory powers by way of the Finance Act 2017. The shocking revelation was made on July 26, 2019. Dr. Coomaraswamy didn’t mince his words when he declared that the then government didn’t even bother to consult the Central Bank on the matter. Dr. Coomaraswamy set the record straight as regards the Finance Act of 2017, after the PSC member and the then Power, Energy and Business Development Minister, Ravi Karunanayake, challenged CBSL condemnation of the Finance Act during investigations into the controversial Batticaloa Campus Limited and the Heera Foundation had received funds from Saudi Arabia on seven and 15 occasions, respectively.

A failed Parliament

Have you ever heard of a parliament deliberately weakening regulatory powers and the privileged status enjoyed by its Central Bank? Having perpetrated massive Treasury bond scams, in Feb 2015 and March 2016, what else the public could expect from those who had the majority in parliament. Recently, Defence Secretary retired Maj. Gen. Kamal Gunaratne talked in disparaging terms of Prisons Department employees accused of serving the underworld. The war veteran urged them not to spend heroin dealers’ money on their families. Perhaps, that appeal should be made to lawmakers as well. Can anyone who represented the last parliament care to explain why the findings of the Presidential Commission of Inquiry (PCoI) on Treasury bond scams was, conveniently not taken up in parliament?

Taxpayers, including those struggling to make ends meet, fund political party system based costly administration. The administration consists of President, Parliament (225 members), Provincial Councils (455 members) and Local Government (8,600 members) and the judiciary.

The failure of successive administrations had paved the way for unhealthy interventions, both at domestic level and external. External powers interfere through administrations. They also use civil society and NGOs to influence the decision makers as well as the electorate. The media are routinely used and abused in politically motivated projects much to the detriment of the public and the well being of the country. The parliament, instead of being the institution to lead the country to the next level, allowed the rot to set in. The influence gained by civil society and the NGO circuit should be examined against the deterioration of parliament. So much so, one-time Justice Minister Dr. Wijeyadasa Rajapakse PC admitted that the parliament was the most corrupt institution in the country. The former BASL Chief said so in response to a query raised by the writer at a press conference, addressed by him at the Sri Lanka Foundation, in the run up to the last presidential poll.

Samagi Jana Balavegaya (SJB) Gampaha District candidate Ranjan Ramanayake, who had immensely contributed to the deterioration of the political party system, recently alleged that one of those lawmakers taking narcotics was dead now. Referring to a speech, he delivered in parliament and statement in Supreme Court???, former MP Ramanayake reiterated of the 100 lawmakers in the last parliament 100 had liquor licenses, 75 had permits for sand mining and transport, and some faced murder and narcotics charges. Of them, one is dead. "Now don’t ask me for his name," Ramanayake said. Having stood solidly by UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe, Ramanayake switched his allegiance to the then UNP Deputy Leader Sajith Premadasa quite late in the leadership battle. Politics is certainly a ‘game’ for opportunists.

Status of US project as country goes to polls

SPECIAL REPORT : Part 322

June 23, 2020, 8:17 pm


Several days after the last presidential poll on 2019 Nov 16, US Ambassador Aliana Taplitz met President Rajapaksa along with Deputy Chief of Mission Martin Kelly and Head of Political Affairs Anthony Renzulli at the Presidential Secretariat. The UD declared its readiness to work with the new leader, who renounced US citizenship to contest the election (pic courtesy President’s Office)

By Shamindra Ferdinando

UNP leader and then Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe boldly declared, on Oct 30, 2019, that an agreement on the USD 480 mn MCC grant would be finalized before the presidential poll, on Nov 1, 2019. The then Premier said so in response to a query, posed by the writer, at a media briefing called by Temple Trees. Wickremesinghe met the media; a day after the cabinet approved the implementation of the controversial project in spite of growing protests against it. Surprisingly, UNP Deputy Leader and presidential candidate Sajith Premadasa hadn’t been present at the Temple Trees briefing, though there were several lawmakers, as well as members of a civil society group.

Responding to another query, the UNP leader confidently declared that he would be the PM again (‘Agreement with US on MCC grant will be signed before Prez poll’ - Ranil with strapline ‘I will be PM again’-The Island, Oct 31, 2019). Wickremesinghe was proved wrong.

The then Finance Minister, Mangala Samaraweera, the darling of the US, too, threw his weight behind the MCC project. Both Samaraweera and the US Embassy declared that the programme would go ahead, with the required approvals. They seemed confident in securing parliament approval. They were proved wrong.

Today, Wickremesinghe leads a badly depleted United National Party (UNP). Premadasa is in command of the UNP offshoot, Samagi Jana Balavegaya (SJB), while the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP), having comfortably won both the Local Government polls in Feb 2018, and the presidential polls in Nov 2019, stands a much better chance in securing victory, though its repeated boasting on winning a two-thirds may prove to be nothing but rhetoric.

The UNP’s stand on the MCC, as well as two other controversial agreements with the US, namely ACSA (Access and Cross-Servicing Agreement/ formerly known as ‘NATO Mutual Support Act’) and SOFA (Status of Forces Agreement), too, contributed to Sajith Premadasa’s defeat at the last presidential poll. SLPP presidential candidate Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s Camp exploited the proposed US agreements to the maximum.

AG approved MCC agreements - FM

The day after Wickremesinghe declared his intention to sign the MCC agreement, Minister Samaraweera, in a statement, titled ‘MCC agreement drafted with the consent of AG will be presented in Parliament’, justified the project. Samaraweera emphasized: "The whole process and the final Agreements, were done under the guidance of the Attorney General and well within the legal framework. The Attorney General is in the opinion that the Agreements are in order and there exists no legal impediment to execute same."

The agreements, referred to therein, were the Compact Agreement and the Programme Implementation Agreement. The Constitutional Council appointed tough-talking Dappula de Livera, PC, as Attorney General, on May 7, 2019. Livera, who led the AG’s Department team at the Presidential Commission of Inquiry (P CoI) that probed into the Treasury bond scams, served as the Acting AG, since April 29, 2019. De Livera succeeded Jayantha Jayasuriya, PC, who received appointment as the Chief Justice.

According to Samaraweera, negotiations, initiated in 2016, on Sri Lanka’s request, had been finalized in Oct 2018. The agreement followed, what Samaraweera called, a study undertaken by the MCC to identify ‘constraints to economic growth analysis.’ The agreement focused on the land and transport sectors, identified as constraints to growth. Interestingly, Samaraweera, having handed over nominations to contest Matara District, at the Aug 5 parliamentary polls, recently quit the SJB, complaining about the split in the UNP. Although, SJB was certainly guarded about its response to Samaraweera’s move, Field Marshal Fonseka, who is contesting from the Gampaha District on the SJB ticket, welcomed the former minister quitting the battle. If Samarawera remained, he would have said something disparaging about the Maha Sangha to the SJB’s disadvantage, a smiling Fonseka declared.

US stand before 2019 prez poll

Amidst controversy over the project, with those backing Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s candidature stepping up their ‘No to US’ campaign, the US Embassy sought to set the record straight (from their point of view). It would be pertinent to mention that Alaina B. Teplitz was sworn in as Ambassador to Sri Lanka and the Maldives, on October 22, 2018. Teplitz taking over of the mission coincided with the finalization of talks on the MCC agreement. She served as U.S. Ambassador to Nepal, from 2015-2018, before moving to Colombo. In a statement, issued close on the heels of Wickremesinghe’s vow to finalize the agreement before the presidential poll and Samaraweera’s claim that the AG cleared the agreements (Compact Agreement and the Programme Implementation Agreement), the US said that parliamentary approval could be obtained once Sri Lanka signed the agreement. Wouldn’t it be better if a consensus was reached before the agreement was signed?

The US Embassy, in a statement issued on Nov 1, 2019, stated: "Consistent with the Millennium Challenge Corporation’s worldwide policy, in all partner countries, once the grant assistance agreement is signed, the Government of Sri Lanka will send it to parliament for approval. Inasmuch, Parliament will have ample opportunity to review the grant assistance agreement.

"During that review period, the Government of Sri Lanka will develop plans to implement the grant assistance agreement and design projects to improve transportation and land administration. This grant assistance agreement will directly benefit over 11 million Sri Lankans and meaningfully stimulate economic growth.

"Parliamentary review and approval are required by MCC to ensure the grant assistance agreement has the support of the government and the people."

US congratulates Gotabaya

Soon after the presidential poll, the US congratulated Gotabaya Rajapaksa, who gave up US citizenship to seek the highest office in Sri Lanka. The US could have impeded Gotabaya Rajapaksa though it chose not to do so. In fact, those who opposed the SLPP candidate fervently hoped for a US declaration that one-time Defence Secretary couldn’t renounce his citizenship in time for nominations. In terms of the 19th Amendment, enacted in 2015, with the overwhelming support of parliament, dual citizens were prohibited from contesting parliamentary or presidential polls. Two days after the presidential poll, the US declared its readiness to work with President Gotabaya Rajapaksa.

The US Embassy, in Colombo, issued the following statement on Nov 18, 2019: "The United States congratulates the people of Sri Lanka on their democratic presidential election and looks forward to working with President Gotabaya Rajapaksa. Sri Lanka has continued to show the strength and resilience of its republic with a free, fair, and transparent presidential election befitting Asia’s oldest democracy. We commend the Elections Commission, civil society and government authorities for promoting a peaceful election. We are ready to continue our work with the new President and with all the people of Sri Lanka in supporting the country’s sovereignty through heightened good governance, expanded economic growth, the advancement of human rights and reconciliation and in fostering an Indo-Pacific region where all countries can prosper."

A warning ahead of prez poll

A couple of months, before the presidential poll, the US warned Sri Lanka of consequences if the latter sought to cancel agreements signed between the two. The US move was obviously meant to influence the electorate, ahead of the crucial polls. The US message was given through a selected group of journalists. A top Colombo based US diplomat told them, representing both privately and state-owned media, the US expected Sri Lanka to remain committed to agreements between the two, regardless of the outcome of the poll. Leaders of our political parties never reacted to the US statement. At the time, the warning was given, two major parties, the SLPP and the UNP were yet to officially announce their respective candidates. Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s candidature was endorsed in August 2019, several weeks after the US warning whereas Sajith Premadasa received the UNP’s endorsement much later.

The US emphasized that domestic politics shouldn’t in anyway undermine the overall US policy. The US reference to the Indo-Pacific region, in its Nov 18, 2019, statement, underscored the importance the solitary superpower attached to its global, as well as regional strategies.

US awaits House decision on MCC

US Ambassador Teplitz recently declared that a decision on the MCC agreement would be taken after parliamentary polls on Aug 5, 2020. The US ambassador said so in an online discussion with a group of selected journalists. Ambassador Teplitz acknowledged President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s desire to have the MCC agreement reviewed. The top envoy said that the project had been stalled following the Oct 2018 constitutional crisis and a decision could be taken once the Government, now in a transition period, completed the process with the parliamentary election.

MCC grants USS 10 mn

However, according to Ambassador Teplitz, in terms of the MCC, substantial funding had been provided during the previous administration. In an interview with Daily FT, posted on the US Embassy website, on Dec 10, 2018, at the height of the constitutional crisis, Ambassador Teplitz said: "Via the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC), we are focusing on how to improve the infrastructure in Sri Lanka. MCC’s initial grant, worth Rs. 1.2 billion ($7.4 million), was provided in July 2016 to support feasibility studies needed to develop a high-quality, evidence- based, and sustainable programme, and in 2017, an agreement was signed to provide an additional Rs. 413 million ($ 2.6 million) grant to finalize compact development. All our assistance is grants, and not loans which have to be repaid. We do this because we want to be a friend and partner, where we share mutual interest. Unfortunately, the MCC has been paused for the moment, until the resolution of the political crisis."

The UNP-SLFP coalition owed the country an explanation as regards the Ambassador’s claim that Sri Lanka had received substantial grants, twice in 2016 and 2017, in terms of the MCC. The Finance Ministry statement that had been issued on Oct 31, 2019, in support of Premier Wickremesinghe declaration, never made reference to the funding received twice, to the tune of USD 10 mn, within two years. Who conducted such expensive feasibility studies? Who finalized ‘compact development’? Did the US or Sri Lanka jointly choose the organization/s responsible for feasibility studies and compact development?

The Finance Ministry declaration that the MCC grants and assistance were provided to countries, what the ministry called having ‘rigorous standard for good governance’ and fighting corruption, should be examined against the backdrop of the then top political leadership overseeing Treasury bond scams  perpetrated by the Central Bank, with the connivance of Perpetual Treasuries Limited (PTL). The US, or other Western backers of the treacherous yahapalana administration, had never been bothered about waste, corruption and irregularities. Had the US intervened, perhaps the second Treasury bond scam, perpetrated in March 2016 could have been thwarted. In spite of interfering in various domestic matters, the US never bothered to instill financial discipline among lawmakers, pursuing US strategies here.

Overall US projects

Having helped the UNP-led Opposition to bring war-winning twice President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s reign to an end, in 2015 January, the US sought agreement on three projects, ACSA, SOFA and MCC. The US State Department has revealed the funding made available to Nigeria, Myanmar and Sri Lanka to the tune of USD 580 mn, in 2014/2015, to pave the way for political change. The US push for closer political-military – economic ties with Sri Lanka should be discussed, especially taking into consideration heavy US investment here. Sri Lanka Parliament, or the Election Commission (EC), never raised the issue though lawmaker Shehan Semasinghe made a statement, in parliament, on US funding. In spite of the then President Maithripala Sirisena vowing not to allow US agreements, as long as he was in the Office of the President, later it was revealed that in his capacity as the Defence Minister, he authorized ACSA in August 2017.

However, President Sirisena, in June 2019, at a meeting with journalists at Janadhipathi Mandiraya, declared that he was opposed to military agreements with the US.

When the writer asked President Sirisena, who would take the responsibility for ACSA as he was opposed to military agreements with the US, President Sirisena said that someone should accept the responsibility for ACSA. He said the signing of ACSA had taken place in August 2017.

Sri Lanka first entered into ACSA, in March 2007, during Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s tenure as Defence Secretary. The US sought agreement on ACSA, way back in 2002, close on the heels of Ranil Wickremesinghe’s election as the Prime Minister. The move coincided with the signing of the Ceasefire Agreement (CFA) on Feb 21, 2002, between Wickremesinghe and LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakaran. NATO member Norway arranged the CFA. Years later, Norway revealed its operation here had the backing of NATO by way of intelligence provided by the world’s most powerful military alliance (Pawns of Peace: Evaluation of Norwegian peace efforts in Sri Lanka).

The US revealed its desire to secure ACSA on Aug 22, 2002, in Colombo. The then US Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage, having visited Jaffna earlier in the day, followed by meetings with the then President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga’s envoy, Lakshman Kadirgamar and Premier Wickremesinghe, declared the US intention to finalize the agreement.

The announcement was made at Temple Trees. Armitage was the senior most US official to visit Colombo since Secretary of State John Foster Dulles’ visit, five decades ago. The Temple Trees announcement was made over a month after Premier Wickremesinghe met US President George W. Bush in Washington. The ACSA was to be finalized in July 2002.

Teplitz reassures Mahanayakes

During the yahapalana administration, the US stepped up its involvement here. The US continuously pushed for both MCC and SOFA. In the wake of the 2019 April Easter Sunday carnage, Ambassador Teplitz assured the Mahanayakes of Asgiriya and Malwatte Chapters that SOFA was not meant to take advantage of Sri Lanka. There hadn’t been a previous instance of a US Ambassador, or any other foreign envoy, for that matter, making representations to the Mahanayakes as regards security and political issues.

US-Parliament accord

Mahinda Rajapaksa’s defeat, at the 2015 presidential polls, paved the way for unprecedented US intervention here. Having helped the UNP-led coalition to form the government, the US expeditiously sought closer relationship with Sri Lanka parliament. The revelation, in June 2019, that the then Speaker Karu Jayasuriya had an advisor paid by the USAID should be examined against the backdrop of high profile agreement between the US-Sri Lanka Parliament, finalized in 2016. Many an eyebrow was raised over one-time Ambassador in Washington who subsequently served as Foreign Secretary Prasad Kariyawasam’s role as the Speaker’s advisor.

Kariyawasam played a significant role in finalizing the ACSA in 2017 August, having received the post of Foreign Secretary, in late July 2017. It would be pertinent to mention that career diplomat Kariyawasam had been Sri Lanka’s top envoy in Washington when the then TNA lawmaker M.A. Sumanthiran in June 2016, revealed extraordinary tripartite agreement among yahapalana government, the US and the TNA to establish hybrid war crimes court in line with Geneva accountability resolution of Oct 2015.

Sri Lanka should seriously inquire into three – year ‘Strengthening Democratic Governance and Accountability Project (SDGAP) worth Rs 1.92 bn (USD 13 mn) launched in 2016 November. The project implemented by Maryland headquartered Development Alternatives, Inc (DAI) was the first of its kind executed in Sri Lanka. Sri Lanka and the US finalized the agreement on SDGAP, in Sept 2016. On behalf of Sri Lanka, Speaker Karu Jayasuriya, who is also the Chairman of the Constitutional Council, signed the agreement whereas Peter J. Roskam, Chairman of the House Democracy Partnership, represented the US. DAI operates in Asia, the Pacific, Eastern Europe, Central Asia, Latin America, the Caribbean, West Asia, North Africa as well as Sub-Saharan Africa.

Jayasuriya’s delegation consisted of Ajith P. Perera, Deputy Minister of Power and Renewable Energy (now with the dissident UNP group ‘ Samagi Jana Balavegaya’, in the 2020 parliamentary polls fray), Karunaratne Paranavithane, Deputy Minister of Parliament Reform and Mass Media (Still with the JHU, in the 2020 parliamentary polls fray on the UNP ticket), Dr. Sudarshini Fernandopulle, State Minister of City Planning and Water Supply (parliamentary polls fray on the SLPP ticket) and Dhammika Dassanayake, Secretary General of Parliament. The delegation was joined by Sri Lanka’s Ambassador to the United States of America, Prasad Kariyawasam.

Did Sri Lanka, in anyway benefit from such projects? Don’t forget that the parliament owed the public an explanation how 13.7 mn in US taxpayers’ money was utilized by the yahapalana government. Most importantly, did parliament consult the government as regards the SDGAP? It would be certainly interesting to know how the decision on SDGAP was made. In spite of Sri Lanka’s eternal appreciation of US backing, particularly intelligence support that enabled Sri Lanka to bring the war to a successful conclusion, in May 2009, by eradicating the LTTE sea supply route, the country cannot be ignorant of what is happening. Beginning with direct US intervention, at the 2010 January presidential election, Uncle Sam gradually stepped up its role at subsequent national level elections, pushing and influencing political parties as part of its overall strategy. Ambassador Teplitz’ recent declaration, as regards the 2020 parliament taking up MCC, reflects US confidence in the project.

2020 parliamentary polls: Country at a crossroads

SPECIAL REPORT : Part 321

June 16, 2020, 6:42 pm

by Shamindra Ferdinando

Finally, the Supreme Court paved the way for parliamentary polls, on August 05, 2020. The ruling was given by a seven-judge-bench, on the afternoon of June 9 in respect of over half a dozen petitions filed, with a divided and beleaguered Elections Commission (EC) further highlighting its differences.

The Supreme Court suspended the then President Sirisena’s gazette notification, calling nominations, from Nov 19 to 26. President Sirisena, in his first televised address to the nation, after the dissolution, alleged that he was prompted to dissolve parliament to prevent MPs being bribed to switch allegiance, as the two camps the UPFA and the UNP battled to gain control of the House. Claiming that lawmakers had been virtually selling themselves for amounts, ranging from Rs 50 mn to Rs 500 mn, President Sirisena said that it was the primary reason for the dissolution. One-time SLFP General Secretary declared that he wanted to thwart bribe-taking lawmakers. President Sirisena gave two other reasons to justify the dissolution of parliament. The President alleged that Speaker Karu Jayasuriya’s reaction to the situation, as well as the possibility of violence in the chamber of parliament, when it was reconvened contributed to his decision.

Polls campaigning will be quite a challenge for major political parties due to restrictions now in place as part of overall measures to curb the highly contagious coronavirus, or COVID -19. The world is still struggling to cope-up with the deadly disease though Sri Lanka seems to be in control of the situation at the moment. The situation, in neighbouring India, is frightening, with over 500,000 corona cases reported so far.

In spite of the relative stability here, the possibility of a second outbreak cannot be ruled out, before the scheduled polls. However, Sri Lanka could have handled the situation much better if not for negligence on the part of successive governments, since the conclusion of the war, in May 2009, which caused the corona outbreak at the Welisara Navy base, as a result of unbelievable congestion, complicating matters somewhat.

If not for the first coronavirus eruption, in the late second week of March, the parliamentary polls could have been concluded on April 25, as originally planned, and new parliament convened by, or before, the June 2 deadline. The EC’s move to conduct the delayed polls, on June 20, went awry, primarily due to the crisis that erupted at the Welisara Navy base. The Navy owed the country an explanation as to why officers and men at the Welisara base, weren’t moved out till the third week of May (19-22) nearly a month after the detection of the first corona patient there, and despite there being daily new detections of new victims, from the crowded base.

Against the backdrop of Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) candidate Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s overwhelming victory at the 2019 Nov. presidential polls, that party would have definitely won the parliamentary polls, comfortably. But, securing a two-thirds majority would have been a quite a task, in terms of the PR system, whenever the poll was conducted. In spite of SLPP leaders repeatedly vowing to obtain the two-thirds required to do away with the controversial 19th Amendment to the Constitution, such a parliamentary majority is unlikely, especially against the backdrop of the sharp economic downturn caused by the corona crisis.

Political parties, as well as the EC, should explore ways and means to attract voters to polling booths. Since the introduction of the 1978 Constitution, there had been seven parliamentary polls. Out of which, only on two occasions, in 1989 and 2010, the UNP and the SLFP-led UPFA managed to secure simple majorities. Two-thirds hadn’t been secured by any political party so far, and the 2020 parliamentary polls wouldn’t be any different. With the crucial parliamentary polls, six weeks away, it would be pertinent to examine key issues, including the crisis-ridden political party system, now in tatters due to waste, corruption, irregularities and mismanagement.

Before examining the issues at hand, let me remind you how President Maithripala Sisisena almost succeeded in completely changing the political environment in late 2018. Had he succeeded, a new parliament would have been elected, on January 05, 2019, at the expense of Gotabaya Rajapaksa - the then front-runner for the presidential candidature from the Joint Opposition. High profile, controversial move that had been implemented with the participation of the Joint Opposition (JO) almost derailed the former Defence Secretary’s plans. However, the UNP-led Opposition comprising the UNP-TNA-JVP thwarted President Sirisena’s move by successfully moving the Supreme Court. The Opposition move enabled Gotabaya Rajapaksa to continue with his strategy.

The Supreme Court, on Dec 13, 2018, rejected the President’s attempt to dismiss parliament and hold snap elections. The court ruled that President Maithripala Sirisena’s order to dismiss parliament, issued on 9 November, was unconstitutional.

President Sirisena launched his operation on Oct 9 by dismissing Premier Ranil Wickremesinghe. The unprecedented move, if not challenged in the Supreme Court, would have paved the way for parliamentary polls, on January 5. Had the project succeeded, President Sirisena would have succeeded in securing an opportunity to contest the presidential polls, depending on the outcome of the January 5 polls.

On the part of President Sirisena, it was certainly a master stroke as his SLFP suffered a humiliating defeat at the Local Government polls, in early Feb 2018. If not for the Supreme Court intervention, President Sisisena could have succeeded in consolidating his power, to a certain extent, though a section of the JO members, two days after the dismissal of parliament, took membership of the SLPP.

Premier Rajapaksa was among, over 30, who received membership from SLPP Chairman, Prof. G.L. Peiris, and its Secretary, Attorney-at-Law Sagara Kariyawasam, at a well-covered event at the PM’s official residence, at Wijerama Mawatha. Others who received membership were Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena, C.B. Ratnayake, Janaka Bandara Thennakoon, Johnston Fernando, Mahindananda Aluthgamage, Priyankara Jayaratne, Rohitha Abeygunawardena, Prasanna Ranatunga, Dulip Wijesekara, Janaka Wakkumbura, Namal Rajapaksa, Shehan Semasinghe, Thenuka Widanagamage, Arundika Fernando, Kanchana Wijesekara, Nimal Lanza, Indika Anuruddha, Prasanna Ranaweera, D.V. Chanaka, Anura Priyadarashana Yapa, T.B. Ekanayake, Chandima Weerakkody, Susantha Punchinilame, Lakshman Yapa Abeywardena, Sumeda G. Jayasena, Sudarshani Fernandopulle, Tharanath Basnayake, Sanath Nishantha, Kanaka Herath, Gamini Lokuge, W.D.J. Senewiratna, Susil Premajayantha and Premalal Jayasekara, Wimalaweera Dissanayake and Lohan Ratwatte.

Premier Rajapaksa’s move surprised President Sirisena though he lacked the wherewithal to take tangible measures against the powerful dissident group. They obviously believed that whatever the agreement with President Sirisena, the next parliamentary polls would be contested on the SLPP ticket.

If the Presidential election was to follow the January 5 parliamentary polls, the whole political environment would have been different and the possibility in President Sirisena reaching consensus on a bid for a second term couldn’t be ruled out.

Imagine if the Easter Sunday attacks were to occur following the parliamentary polls, against the backdrop of a change of government, the SLPP would have suffered a debilitating setback. But, at the same time, the possibility of the SLPP administration handling the threat, posed by the National Thowheed Jamaat (NTJ) efficiently, couldn’t be ruled out.

Contentious issues

Health guidelines issued, in respect of coronavirus, will not allow political parties to conduct high profile campaigns, with mega rallies, at selected venues. With health authorities warning of dire consequences, unless all political parties adhered to health guidelines, political parties will have to campaign through print and electronic media, including the social networks. Let us examine the contentious issues that had to be addressed by major political parties, in the run-up to the August 5 polls, regardless of the restrictions imposed on electioneering, to prevent a second wave of corona eruption.

Post-corona recovery plan

*Top priority for all political parties should be a post-corona recovery plan. The national economy had been in shambles at the time corona delivered a deadly blow. The national economy had been severely weakened due to unbridled corruption, waste, mismanagement and irregularities, over the years, coupled with the 2019 shocking Easter Sunday suicide attacks delivering a body blow to the tourism sector. When the corona pandemic struck the world, the local tourism sector was just about picking itself up from the repercussions of the Easter attacks. Sri Lanka could have had the strength to face the corona crisis much better if those who exercised power, over the years, governed responsibly. Financial accountability and responsibility no longer seemed to be the parliamentary obligation, with the House mired in controversy over corrupt practices. It would be pertinent mention no less a person than the Governor of the Central Bank, Dr. Indrajith Coomaraswamy, cautioned the electorate as regards who should be elected as members of parliament. Interestingly, Dr. Coomaraswamy advised the electorate, before President Sirisena dissolved parliament, on Nov 11, 2018, to fix polls on January 5.

Dr. Coomaraswamy told the P Col (Presidential Commission of Inquiry) that the country was facing a non-virtuous cycle of debt and it was a very fragile situation which could even lead to a debt crisis. "Of course, my colleagues, in the debt department, have plans, and the capability, to manage it. But it’s the duty of every citizen to act responsibly as regards the government policy", he told the PCol.

Dr. Coomaraswamy emphasized that people should elect MPs who were prudent enough to handle fiscal and monetary responsibilities of the country. "I am not referring to any government, but it’s been the case ever since Independence".

There hadn’t been a previous instance of a serving top public official advising the electorate how to exercise their franchise at, perhaps, the most crucial election in post-independence era. Whoever in power must realize that economic difficulties cannot be tackled only by restricting imports, including luxury vehicles for President, Prime Minister, members of cabinet and members of parliament. Corruption, waste, irregularities and mismanagement should be tackled, at every level - from the Office of the President to Local Government authorities.

Restoration of political and economic

stability

In spite of rhetoric, there should be consensus among political parties that the 19th Amendment to the Constitution is not the only cause for instability. As a result of breaking up of political parties, with the UNP being the latest victim, the entire political environment is in chaos, with different factions pulling in different directions.

Political developments during the 2015-2020 period, had weakened the SLFP and the UNP so much the 2020 parliamentary polls is expected to further deteriorate their positions. Both parties are desperate and struggling to overcome overwhelming challenges. The SJB, led by Sajith Premadasa, clearly has the upper hand, with the UNP even struggling in the Colombo district, in the wake of nine out of 11 elected to the last parliament, on its ticket, switching allegiance to the rebel SJB. Only UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe and Ravi Karunayake remain on the UNP Colombo list from the party team that won the District comfortably at the previous general election, in August 2015.

Many an eyebrow was raised when the UNP accommodated businessman A S P Liyanage, who had received diplomatic postings from both Presidents Mahinda Rajapaksa and Maithripala Sirisena. At the last parliament, there were 106 elected and appointed on the UNP list, whereas the SLFP-led UPFA group consisted of 95 elected and appointed lawmakers. How many seats would the UNP and the SLFP secure at the August 5 polls?

Tamil issues

In the North, the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) faces an unprecedented challenge from former Northern Province Chief Minister C.V. Wigneswaran. The Thamizhi Makkal Tesiya Kootani, or the Tamil People’s National Alliance (TPNA), poses quite a challenge to the once LTTE cat’s paw - the TNA. Having won 15 seats, at its first appearance in the political scene, at the 2001 Dec parliamentary polls, the TNA achieved its best performance at the 2004 April polls, when it obtained 22 seats, with, of course, the overt and covert help of the LTTE in the then temporarily-merged North-East Province. At the first parliamentary polls, in 2010 April, after the demise of the LTTE, in May, of the previous year, the TNA won 14 seats, followed by 16 at the last general election, in 2015 August. The TNA is likely to secure the majority of seats in the Northern and Eastern electorates though the number is expected to be lower than the last performance. Interestingly, both the TNA and the TPNA rejected an offer made by a group of ex-LTTE cadres to reach consensus on a political programme, covering both the parliamentary and Provincial Council polls, as they distanced themselves from the LTTE.

Forgotten Treasury bond scams

The country’s biggest ever financial scam -2015 and 2016 Treasury bond scams - continue to haunt three major political formations, the UNP, SJB as well as the SLPP. Disgraced Central Bank Governor, Singaporean Arjuna Mahendran, remain at large with local investigations continuing at a snail’s pace. Having attacked the UNP almost on a daily basis, over Mahendran affair, in the run-up to the presidential poll, the SLPP lot (formerly JO) hardly mentions the Treasury bond scams these days. The SJB, too, is largely silent on Treasury bond scams, as some of those who had benefited from the suspended primary dealer Perpetual Treasuries, at the centre of those scams, and defended the UNP at the Committee on Public Enterprises (COPE) inquired into Treasury bond scams, are in the fray from the Sajith Premadasa’s outfit. The incumbent government owed the public an explanation what it had done, since 2019 Nov, to secure Mahendran’s extradition and custody.

Unused forensic audits

The failure, on the part of the previous parliament, to initiate action on five forensic audits conducted on the Treasury bond scams, as well as other major questionable transactions/deals, during 2010-2015, should be an issue addressed by all political parties.

Controversy over SLSFTA remains

The controversial Sri Lanka-Singapore Free Trade Agreement, signed in 2018 January, remains a major concern though leading political parties remain largely silent, with once vociferous SLPP spokespersons hardly saying a word on SLSFTA. The UNP finalized the agreement following just six rounds of talks initiated in 2016 July. The signing of the FTA took place with the participation of visiting the Prime Minister of Singapore, Lee Hsien Loong, and President Maithripala Sirisena, in Colombo. The Singaporean Prime Minister arrived in Colombo for a three-day official visit, on an invitation extended by the Sri Lankan President.

"The Free Trade Agreement will boost the trade between the two countries as this would facilitate duty-free access to selected goods and services of each other", President Sirisena’s Office said in a statement at the time. The former President, who is also the SLFP leader, is contesting from the Polonnaruwa District, on the SLPP ticket, at the August polls.

Easter Sunday carnage impede political parties

The Easter Sunday carnage is another issue that’ll have an impact on the parliamentary polls. Former President Sirisena and the top UNP leadership cannot absolve themselves of the responsibility for the Easter attacks. The Parliamentary Select Committee (PSC), headed by former Deputy Speaker Ananda Kumarasiri, found fault with both President Sirisena and Premier Wickremesinghe, in addition to the then head of the State Intelligence Service (SIS), DIG Nilantha Jayawardena for the shocking failure of those at the helm to take any preventive measures, despite having credible advance intelligence warnings from India.

The SLMC and the ACMC alleged to have had links with those responsible for the near simultaneous suicide attacks, are contesting the August 5 polls, on the SJB ticket.

US agreements bother Sri Lanka

The Highly contested agreements on Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) as well as Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA), sought by the US cannot be ignored by major political parties at the parliamentary polls. In the run-up to the presidential polls, the SLPP and its allies, the National Freedom Front (NFF) and the Pivithuru Hela Urumaya (PHU), flayed the UNP over the proposed US agreements. In spite of the then President Sirisena publicly vowing he wouldn’t allow the UNP government to go ahead with the US agreements, it was subsequently revealed Sri Lanka entered into/extended Acquisition and Cross Servicing Agreement (ACSA) in early August 2017, with the President’s approval. Sri Lanka first signed ACSA in 2007 March, during Mahinda Rakapaksa’s tenure as the President. On behalf Sri Lanka, the then Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa signed the agreement.

99-year lease on H’tota

Sri Lanka’s agreement with China, on Hambantota harbour remains a touchy issue with the US as well as India continuing to oppose Chinese expansion. The previous UNP-led government in late July 2017 finalized the 99 year-lease on the new port with the blessings of President Sirisena. The incumbent government reiterated Sri Lanka’s commitment to the commercial agreement though in the run-up to the last presidential poll, and even after Sri Lanka announced no ne-negotiations would be held as regards Hambantota transaction.

Clandestine UK garbage project

* Political parties should address the UK dumping toxic garbage here issue exposed by the media during the previous administration. In spite of promises, the previous government never really inquired into the UK garbage matter. None of those responsible for the clandestine operation at a time Sri Lanka is struggling to cope up with its own garbage problem, were arrested, though heavy reportage revealed those involved. Today hardly any political party takes up this matter.

Geneva dilemma

Geneva remains a hot issue though Sri Lanka, in late February this year, announced its withdrawal from the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) Resolution 30/1 and others adopted, after 2015. Since making the announcement, the government hardly had time to examine the developments due to the corona eruption in the following month. Sri Lanka needs to address the accountability issue, seriously, taking into consideration all available information, to set the record straight. Tangible measures are required to address accountability issues. Mere rhetoric won’t do.

Lastly, continuing accusations against accommodating retired military personnel and more space for the military will further strengthen the government in the South.

TNA’s dilemma in the wake of UNP split, Wignesewaran’s challenge

SPECIAL REPORT : Part 320

June 9, 2020, 8:01 pm

SLPP-TNA talks underway at Premier Rajapaksa’s official residence at Wijerama Mawatha early May 2020.

By Shamindra Ferdinando

The unprecedented split in the UNP has compelled the Illankai Thamil Arasu Kadchi (ITAK) led Tamil National Alliance (TNA) to change its political strategy. Having jointly engineered, with the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe’s defeat at the 2005 presidential polls, the TNA worked closely with the UNP, since 2010, till the last presidential polls.

The TNA threw its weight behind the UNP picked presidential candidates, General Sarath Fonseka, Maithripala Sirisena and Sajith Premadasa, at the 2010 January, 2015 January, and 2019 November presidential polls. In a recent interview with Chamuditha Samarawickrema, in ‘Truth with Chamuditha,’ TNA spokesperson M.A. Sumanthiran, PC, acknowledged that as the UNP couldn’t settle its internal crisis, the UNP, and its breakaway faction, the Samagi Jana Balavegaya (SJB), would go their separate ways.

Widely recognized as the go-between the TNA and the UNP, Sumanthiran was referring to members of a divided former UNP parliamentary group handing over nominations to contest the 2020 parliamentary polls, under the ‘Elephant’ and the ‘Telephone’ symbols.

The UNP, under Wickremesinghe’s leadership, maintained a strong political relationship with the TNA, over a 10-year period. The highlight of their often-controversial partnership had been thwarting war-winning twice President Mahinda Rajapaksa from securing a third term.

Last minute turncoat Maithripala Sirisena’s victory, at the January 2015 presidential election, and the formation of the UNP-SLFP coalition, following the parliamentary polls, eight months later, gave the TNA a higher status in parliament. In spite of having just 16 members, in parliament, the TNA received the Opposition Leader’s position, at the expense of the Joint Opposition (JO), with a far larger parliamentary group, simply due to political intrigue acceded to by the parliament. TNA leader Trincomalee District lawmaker R. Sampanthan received privileged status.

Opposition in tatters

The UNP-TNA partnership seemed unbreakable, even after the UNP plunged the government into crisis by engaging in its first Treasury bond scam, just 50 days after the presidential polls victory. Between the first and second Treasury bond scams, perpetrated in January 2015, and March 2016, the TNA secured, what it demanded, the betrayal of the armed forces, at the Geneva-based Human Rights Council.

In spite of not being part of the cabinet, the TNA always stood by the UNP, until the very end of its administration, in November 2019, when their candidate, Sajith Premadasa, suffered a humiliating defeat. It would be pertinent to mention that the TNA delivered all electoral districts, in the Northern and Eastern Provinces, at the 2010, 2015 and 2019 presidential polls, with an overwhelming majority, though the project succeeded only in 2015.

Five years later, the UNP-led political grouping is in tatters. Of the 106 (plus one SLMC) lawmakers, who had represented the UNP, in the last parliament, about 80 are contesting the coming general election, on the SJB ticket, 15 on the UNP ticket, while 12 opted out of the forthcoming polls. The split in the UNP obviously placed the TNA in an extremely difficult situation. One-time LTTE proxy is unable to advance its project without the support of a major political party. Against the backdrop of the UNP split, the grouping has been forced to explore ways and means of reaching a consensus with the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP).

In addition to the break-up of the UNP, the challenge coming from former Northern Province Chief Minister C.V. Wigneswaran, too, appears to have influenced the TNA decision.

The TNA fielded retired Supreme Court judge Wigneswaran as its Chief Ministerial candidate at the first-ever Northern Provincial Council, polls in 2013. Colombo-educated Wigneswaran secured over 80 per cent of the Northern Province vote. Following a spate of clashes, between renegade Wigneswaran and the TNA, during his tenure as the Chief Minister, the former top judge formed the Thamizhi Makkal Tesiya Kootani, or the Tamil People’s National Alliance, this year.

Wigneswaran, whose two sons are married to Sinhalese, pretends his stand on Tamil nationalism is tougher, vis-a-vis the TNA.

One-time TNA lawmaker Mahalingam Kanagalingam Shivajilingam (Jaffna District) recently told the Jaffna-based media, the TNA was much weaker, in the North, and was unlikely to dominate the Northern Province, at the forthcoming polls. Wigneswaran’s political outfit received the backing of EPRLF Leader Suresh Premachandran, an original member of the TNA grouping, that was formed in 2001.

Last week, the writer dealt with the TNA’s moves, in an article headlined ‘How genuine is Sumanthiran’s change of heart? With strap line ‘Ex-lawmaker’s comments reflect TNA turning into a chameleon’

PM told how to win int’l

recognition

The TNA seems determined to go ahead with the controversial strategy meant to explore the possibility of an understanding with the SLPP who are certain to win the forthcoming parliamentary polls. Clearly, the top TNA leadership is of the opinion that moves to reach a consensus, with the SLPP, may be beneficial for their coalition.

The TNA Chief Sampanthan, in a one-page letter, titled ‘TRIBUTE TO HON. MAHINDA RAJAPAKSA ON COMPLETION OF FIFTY (50) YEARS IN POLITICS’ revealed their aspirations. Attorney-at-law Sampanthan paid a glowing tribute to the war-winning leader, while urging him to bring the stalled new constitution making process to a successful conclusion.

The following is the full text of veteran politician’s letter, originating from his home, at No. 176, Customs Road, Trincomalee, and B 12, Mahagamasekara Mawatha, Colombo 7:

"I am extremely glad to pay tribute and extend my warm greetings to Hon. Mahinda Rajapaksa, on the completion of the fiftieth (50) year of his political career. During this period, he has served Sri Lanka in every possible capacity, as a politician, as a Member of Parliament, as a Minister, as the Leader of the Opposition, as the Prime Minister, and as the President of the Country. He distinguished himself in every one of these positions, that he held, and has earned for himself the affection and confidence of the people of the country. He was essentially a Leader of the ordinary people, who trusted him and who were willing to be guided by him.

"He was essentially a Man of the People, in whatever position he held. The People respected him and he, in turn, respected the People. He was a great source of strength to the people, and the people in turn were the source of his immense strength. This is, perhaps, the strongest quality of any Political Leader and Hon. Mahinda Rajapaksa enjoyed this quality in abundant measure. This was the key to his political success, and this must be acknowledged.

"On behalf of the people of Sri Lanka, particularly the Tamil people whom I represented in Parliament, I extend to him our warmest greetings and best wishes for an ever more successful political future.

"Sri Lanka, as a Country, faces serious unresolved problems. The country direly needs a new Constitution, the supreme Law of the country. The people, in Sri Lanka, have, in their national democratic verdicts over the past several decades, mandated the formulation of a new constitution, incorporating changes that has been in contemplation for a long period of time, and around which there is substantial consensus.

"A strong Leader, with the support of the people, is required to fulfill this urgent and compulsory need. Hon. Mahinda Rajapaksa is undoubtedly in that position. Hon. Mahinda Rajapaksa should rise to greater heights by undertaking and accomplishing that task. This should raise him to the level of a Statesman and give him, not merely national, but international recognition and stature. He can be assured of our fullest support in this matter. He would earn for himself a niche in Sri Lankan history as the Leader who brought about genuine and permanent peace in Sri Lanka on the basis of justice, equality and dignity. With my warmest best wishes to Hon. Mahinda Rajapaksa and family."

A drastic change in GTF strategy

The TNA leader’s letter is certainly in line with their new strategy. The TNA unveiled its project, meant to reach an understanding with the SLPP (read the Rajapaksas) recently. The TNA attended a meeting on May 4, at Temple Trees, on the invitation of Premier Rajapaksa, met the Premier at his official residence, at Wijerama Mawatha, on the night of the same day, and then declared LTTE terrorism was not acceptable, under any circumstances (TNA called it armed struggle). The UK-based Global Tamil Forum (GTF) spokesperson, Suren Surendiran, endorsed the TNA’s stand. Interestingly, Surendiran, in a piece that defended former lawmaker Sumanthiran, referred to preliminary discussions between the TNA leadership, and the government,’ in the run-up to parliamentary polls.

The TNA-GTF backed Sajith Premadasa, at the last presidential poll. In a statement, headlined ‘Tamils should freely exercise their franchise’ at the presidential election, issued from London, less than a week before the Nov 16, 2019 polls, the GTF threw its weight behind Sajith Premadasa.

"Sajith Premadasa’s election manifesto is progressive on furthering democratic reforms, which includes key Tamil considerations, such as: continuation of the constitutional reform process, power-sharing and reconciliation commitments, and respecting international treaties and resolutions. Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s manifesto, on the other hand, has strong national security focus, but no serious commitment to expand the fledgling democratic space," the GTF asserted.

The GTF attacked SLPP presidential aspirant Gotabaya Rajapaksa: "We are also conscious of the appalling human rights, governance and rule of law record when Gotabaya Rajapaksa was the Defence Secretary – wanton violence and enforced disappearances, threats to media personnel and intimidation and violence against Tamil, Muslim and Christian communities. Return to such an era, coupled with isolationist international policies, is the nightmarish scenario feared under a Rajapaksa Presidency."

Post-prez poll scenario

Wartime Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa, last November, proved presidential polls could be comfortably won, even without securing the support of the predominately Tamil speaking electoral districts in the Northern and Eastern Provinces. In spite of having the support of the SLMC, ACMC as well as the TNA, in addition to the Tamil Progressive Alliance (TPA), Sajith Premadasa suffered an unforgettable defeat, in the South, at the presidential poll. Rajapaksa won more than 6.9 million votes, 1.3 million votes more than his closest rival, then Housing Minister Sajith Premadasa. Rajapaksa’s percentage of the vote was 52.25%, well above the 50% plus one vote needed for victory. The TPA, comprising the Democratic People’s Front (DPF), National Union of Workers (NUW) and the Up-Country People’s Front (UCPF), was formed a few months after the 2015 presidential polls

Defeated UNP struggled to cope up with the situation. Sajith Premadasa faction went to the extent of accusing the party of sabotaging their man’s campaign. Premadasa’s camp was told the party delivered the northern vote as promised, though the campaign that he spearheaded failed in the South. The UNP appeared to have failed to comprehend the simple fact that its relationship with the TNA weakened the party in the South. The TNA never apologized for promoting and protecting terrorism, at the expense of the Tamil community. Instead of ‘politically’ taking on the TNA, the UNP played ‘pandu’ with the grouping, since its inception in 2001.

The TNA backed the LTTE decision to quit the negotiating table, in April 2003. Having contested the December 2001 parliamentary polls, on the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) ticket, the TNA, then comprising the All Ceylon Tamil Congress (ACTC), the Eelam People’s Revolutionary Liberation Front (EPRLF), the Tamil Eelam Liberation Front (TELO) and the TULF, obtained 15 seats. The TNA worked closely with the LTTE. Their combined strategy posed a growing threat, as the LTTE stepped up preparations for Eelam War IV. The People’s Liberation Organization of Tamil Eelam (PLOTE) joined the TNA-led grouping later. The PLOTE contested the 2014 April parliamentary polls, under the TNA.

The LTTE quitting the Norway-arranged negotiations, in April 2003, resulted in the rapid deterioration of the situation in the country. The LTTE stepped up forcible recruitment of children. Some members of the TNA participated in ‘passing out’ parades. The LTTE consolidated its positions in the Northern and Eastern Provinces with the deployment of strong formations, on the northern frontline. The TNA really believed the LTTE was capable of bringing the war to a successful conclusion. The TNA remained solidly with the LTTE, even after abortive attempts were made, in late April 2005 and early Oct 2006, to assassinate Army Commander Lt. Gen. Sarath Fonseka and Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa, respectively. Had Prabhakaran succeeded in eliminating one of them, the war could have gone, either way. That is the undeniable truth.

In fact, the LTTE-TNA strategy helped Mahinda Rajapaksa to win the November 2005 presidential polls by depriving Ranil Wickremesinghe the votes of the Northern electorate, which would have gone his way overwhelmingly if not for their boycott call. Their strategy was simple. Engineer Wickremesinghe’s defeat so that an all-out war can be resumed on the basis a warmonger is in the Office of the President. In fact, that was the line adopted by the so-called independent Western media to repeatedly call him ‘Sinhala hardliner,’ even in the run up to the election. The LTTE resumed claymore mine attacks, in the Jaffna peninsula, two weeks after Mahinda Rajapaksa took oaths as the President. A few weeks later, the LTTE carried out a suicide attack on a Fast Attack Craft off Trincomalee.

President Mahinda Rajapaksa won a second term by beating UNP leader Wickremesinghe, by obtaining 186,000 more votes than his rival. A cocky LTTE leadership launched Eelam War IV, in spite of President Mahinda Rajapaksa agreeing for direct talks with the group, at overseas venues, contrary to a much-touted election promise.

Plight of the civil society,

dilemma for Western powers

Wouldn’t it be interesting to examine the response of the civil society, and Western embassies, to the TNA’s move? The TNA approach is certainly exciting. Having lost the once-feared military clout, the TNA, a decade after the war, wants to reach out to President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, through his brother Premier Mahinda Rajapaksa. Unquestionably, an unprecedented tactic in the TNA’s arsenal. Western powers, and a section of the civil society, worked overtime to deprive Gotabaya Rajapaksa an opportunity to contest the last presidential poll. The attempt should be examined in the backdrop of how the parliament enacted the 19th Amendment, in early 2015, to prevent Gotabaya Rajapaksa contesting the crucial polls. The TNA played a significant role in the overall operation. Western powers, and India, to a certain extent, backed the project as they feared the growing Chinese influence. Some civil society groups received overseas funding for various projects meant to influence the electorate. That was the final objective. In spite of the LTTE’s eradication, in May 2009, those civil society groups backed negotiated settlement continue to target the Rajapaksas. However, the whole project seemed to be in a flux in the wake of Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s triumph at the last presidential poll that caused disintegration of the formidable UNP-led coalition. After arrogantly having threatened to teach unforgettable lessons to Rajapaksas, the TNA has ended up praising Premier Mahinda Rajapaksa, credited with giving political leadership to bringing the war to a successful conclusion, undoubtedly Sri Lanka’s biggest post-independence achievement. The TNA should perhaps thank Premier Rajapaksa for rescuing them from the LTTE bondage. The TNA had no option but to back the LTTE or face the consequences. Unfortunately, the group lacked the courage to admit the truth, even after the end of the conflict. Had it done so, post-war reconciliation could have been achieved. But, the TNA became part of the despicable post-war strategy, aimed at demonizing Sri Lanka, and create a situation conducive to introduce a new Constitution, to do away with the country’s unitary status, to please a local minority and the overall geopolitical agenda of the powerful West, of which New Delhi should be weary of despite whatever window dressing; for West’s originally Eelam project’s ultimate goal was the breakup of India. At the time Pakistan was their darling!