Madras Café, Tamil Diaspora and TN factor

War on terror revisited : Part 168

October 1, 2013, 6:38 pm 

by Shamindra Ferdinando

Shoojit Sircar’s controversial movie, Madras Café dealt with real-life events in the ‘80s and early 90s that changed the history of Sri Lanka and India.

The movie, focused on the period after the North-East Provincial Council (NEPC) polls held on Nov. 19, 1988, in accordance with the Indo-Lanka Accord of July 29, 1987. The Indian army helped the Eelam People’s Revolutionary Liberation Front (EPRLF) secure the NEPC with an overwhelming majority in the wake of the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) declining to contest the polls. Although the TULF felt it could secure the NEPC, it feared to earn the wrath of the LTTE. The then TULF leader A Amirthalingam refused to join the fray at the behest of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE).

The assassination of former Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi by the LTTE, one of the groups sponsored by India’s premier intelligence agency, the Research and Analysis Wing (RAW), is its central theme. Madras Café speculated on the possibility of the LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakaran ordering the assassination at the behest of a foreign power and the alleged involvement of Indian officialdom in the atrocity to thwart him from returning to power at the parliamentary polls. Madras Café also discussed an Indian plot to influence a senior LTTE cadre to assassinate Prabhakaran.

Major Vikram Singh, played by Bollywood heart throb John Abraham, sent on a special mission to Jaffna peninsula occupied by the Indian army (July 29, 1987-March 1990) uncovered a plot to assassinate Gandhi. In spite of having advanced intelligence, Indian security services failed to protect Gandhi, much to the dismay of those who uncovered the plot.

The LTTE feared the consequence of the possible return of Gandhi as India’s Prime Minister at a time it was fighting the then President Ranasinghe Premadasa’s government. The LTTE resumed hostilities on June 10, 1990 after having 14 months of talks (May 1989-June 1990) with the government. Did a foreign power exploit the LTTE fear of Gandhi’s return to office to its advantage?

An LTTE operative, Thenmozhi Rajaratnam alias Dhanu blew up Gandhi at Sriperumbudur near Chennai on the night of May 21, 1991, the day after the first round of polling took place. The assassination compelled the Election Commission to put off the second and third rounds of polling to June 12 and June 15, respectively. The assassinated Gandhi’s Congress did well in the second and third rounds to secure the election. The victory paved the way for a minority government under veteran politician P.V. Narasimha Rao in the wake of the dissolution of Lok Sabha 16 months after the previous parliamentary polls in Nov 1989.

In spite of Sircar declaring that the movie dubbed an espionage thriller was a work of fiction, it has a resemblance to actual events in Sri Lanka and India. UK-based Tamil groups, spearheaded by the Tamil Youth Organization (TYO) opposed its screening in the UK. Violent protests and threats prompted three major cinema companies owned by Cineworld, Odeon and Vue to cancel screening of the movie scheduled to begin on Aug. 28.

Madras Café dealt a severe blow to those who had been still trying to promote LTTE ideals, in spite of the group losing its conventional military capability in May 2009. Interestingly, Madras Café was never filmed in Sri Lanka, though the production team could have taken the opportunity. Filmed in Kerala and Tamil Nadu as well as some scenes in the UK, Malaysia and Thailand, Madras Café was released in Sri Lanka too. In the Jaffna peninsula, the movie was shown on giant screens at public places in the run-up to the first Northern Provincial Council polls on Sept. 21, 2013.

The worldwide release of Madras Café couldn’t have come at a better time for Sri Lanka facing criticism by a section of the international community for alleged battlefield atrocities during the last phase of the conflict. Madras Café forced the Tamil Diaspora, which thrived on unsubstantiated Channel 4 documentary series, Sri Lanka’s Killing Fields, on to the back foot, amidst ongoing efforts to sanitize the LTTE.

Tamil Nadu factor

Prabhakaran reacted furiously to the EPRLF’s installation as the NEPC administration. Prabhakaran adopted a two-tracked policy to undermine the EPRLF administration. The LTTE chief worked closely with the then Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi as he was having direct talks with President Premadasa. Prabhakaran’s strategy was meant to isolate the EPRLF, through political and military means. President Premadasa turned a blind eye to LTTE operations directed at the EPRLF. The UNP leader went to the extent of providing both financial and material support to the LTTE. Both President Premadasa and Prabhakaran agreed that the EPRLF should be neutralized through military means. However, at that time, unknown to President Premadasa, Prabhakaran, through his trusted spokesman, Anton Balasingham conducted a dialogue with Karunanidhi. The UK-based Balasingham and his Australian-born, Adele visited Tamil Nadu on several occasions to meet Karunanidhi on behalf of Prabhakaran during the time the LTTE had direct negotiations with President Premadasa.

Justice M.C. Jain, who investigated the circumstances as well as the conspiracy leading to the assassination of Gandhi, revealed the complicity of Karunanidhi’s DMK. Jain also blamed former prime ministers, V.P. Singh and Chandra Shekhar for their failure to take tangible action to thwart the attempt on Gandhi’s life. Jain also targeted the then Finance Minister P. Chidambaram for ‘supping with the devil in the cause of political expediency.’ S. Guhan, one-time advisor to Karunanidhi told the Jain Commission of three clandestine meetings the then Chief Minister had with the Balasinghams between December 1989 to February 1990, at the Port Trust Guest House, Madras. Guhan, who had been present on all three occasions, revealed Karunanidhi explored the possibility of having the LTTE in a reconstituted NEPC. The LTTE rejected the move. Balasingham insisted that the LTTE wanted the NEPC dissolved and fresh elections held, under the auspices of the Sri Lankan government.

The Jain Commission revealed that in spite of the Indian army being engaged in counter terrorist operations in Sri Lanka, Tamil Nadu remained the main supply base for the LTTE throughout this period. The LTTE-TN alliance continued after the LTTE declared war on President Premadasa on June 10, 1990, after 14 months of direct negotiations. When President Premadasa ordered large scale military operations, the LTTE swiftly made overtures to Gandhi in a bid to bring Indian pressure on Sri Lanka. Gandhi too made the mistake of meeting senior LTTE representatives several weeks before his assassination to discuss the LTTE’s appeal (Indian Involvement in Sri Lanka and the Indo-Lanka Accord of 1987: A retrospective evaluation by one-time Indian Foreign Secretary J.N. Dixit-an International Alert publication released in February 1998).

Unfortunately, Madras Café hadn’t delved into the domestic political conspiracy, hence missing an important aspect. In fact, successive Sri Lankan governments failed to examine the assassination of Gandhi. Had Sri Lanka opted for a comprehensive investigation, it could have exposed the LTTE and those in Tamil Nadu still propagating separatist sentiments in Sri Lanka.

It would be pertinent to mention that the then Elections Commissioner, Chandrananda de Silva, at the behest of President Premadasa recognized the LTTE’s political wing PFLT (People’s Front of Liberation Tigers ) as a political party in early December 1989-six months before the outbreak of eelam war II. Having secured political recognition, the LTTE pushed Premadasa to dissolve the NEPC to pave the way for fresh elections. The LTTE also demanded that the Sixth Amendment to the Constitution be repealed to facilitate the negotiating process. The introduction of the Sixth Amendment to the 1978 Constitution in the wake of the killing of 13 soldiers in Jaffna was meant to protect the unitary character of the country. In spite of the LTTE relentlessly pushing President Premadasa, the UNP leader declined to go ahead with constitutional change or dissolve the NEPC, much to the dissatisfaction of the LTTE.

EPRLF’s 19-point plan

Had Gandhi prevailed at the November 1989 parliamentary polls, he may have ignored President Premadasa’s unilateral declaration that the Indian army quit Sri Lanka. President Premadasa made his unexpected announcement on the morning of April 13, 1989 at a temple in the suburbs of Colombo. Gandhi simply ignored Premadasa’s demand that the Indian army withdraw by July 29, 1989. However, the newly elected National Front Government brought about a major change in India’s policy towards not only Sri Lanka, but other neighbours as well.

As relations between President Premadasa and the EPRLF rapidly deteriorated with the security forces increasingly cooperating with the LTTE, NEPC Chief Minister Varatharaja sought India’s intervention. But India remained aloof with the then V.P. Singh administration declining to intervene in President Premadasa’s strategy. Much to the dismay of Perumal, Tamil Nadu Chief Minister Karunanidhi bluntly told him to dissolve the NEPC to make way for the LTTE. Under pressure from all quarters, Perumal offered to share power with the LTTE and to hand over the chief ministership to the LTTE.

The EPRLF as well as its patrons in New Delhi failed to realize that the LTTE never wanted to share power with the EPRLF or any other political party or group. The TULF was not an exception. Having failed to secure Karunanidhi’s support to work out an agreement with the LTTE, the EPRLF unveiled a 19-point Charter signed by K. Pathmanabha, Secretary General of the party to settle all outstanding issues, including devolution of power, colonization and law and order. Having formulated the plan, the EPRLF presented it to Karunanidhi seeking his intervention to pave the way for talks with the LTTE. But Karunanidhi rejected the EPRLF plan on the basis it didn’t recognize the LTTE as the sole representative of Tamil speaking people.

In the wake of its failure to win support for the plan, the EPRLF on March 1, 1990 converted the NEPC into a Constituent State Assembly for the purpose of drafting a Constitution for what Perumal called the Eelam Democratic Republic. Perumal declared that independence would be declared on March 1, 1991 in case President Premadasa failed to implement the 19-point Charter.

On June 19, 1990-nine days after the eruption of eelam war II, an LTTE hit squad massacred 13 EPRLF personnel, including Secretary General Pathmanabha, Jaffna District parliamentarian G. Yogasangary and provincial Finance Minister P. Kirupakaran at a flat in Kodambakkam, Madras. Perumal escaped as he was away from Madras at the time of the LTTE raid. Some alleged that a senior member of the EPRLF alerted the LTTE as to the presence of Pathmanabha at Kodambakkam. The LTTE went ahead with the operation in spite of EPRLF seniors living there under the protection of the government of India. Still India failed to take punitive measures against those politicians and law enforcement officers in Tamil Nadu collaborating with the LTTE. India obviously felt that any move on its part to dismantle the LTTE in Tamil Nadu could cause a major rift with the Tamil Nadu administration. India paid a heavy price for its failure to neutralize the LTTE on its soil.

The LTTE operated with impunity in Tamil Nadu, with the state administration turning a blind eye to what was going on. The LTTE had the resources in Tamil Nadu to take on major operations.

On March 21, the following year, the LTTE blew up Gandhi immediately after the conclusion of the first phase of parliamentary polls.

Madras Café examined the circumstances under which Prabhakaran dispatched a hit squad to assassinate Gandhi whose re-election the LTTE chief feared could cause serious impediments to his plans. The LTTE justified the Gandhi assassination on the basis of various atrocities committed by the Indian army during its deployment in Sri Lanka. The LTTE alleged that Gandhi was assassinated to avenge the rape of Tamil women by the Indian army.

First NE polls:Indian army engineers EPRLF victory

WAR ON TERROR REVISITED : Part 167

September 22, 2013, 8:31 pm 

Good times in Jaffna before the LTTE declared war on the IPKP in early Oct 1987: (From L-R): Vaithilingam Sornalingam alias Shankar spearheaded the project to establish the ‘Air Tigers’ (subsequently promoted to the rank of ‘Colonel’ by Prabhakaran, he was killed by the SLA at an early stage of eelam war IV), Thillaiyampalam Sivanesan alias ‘Colonel’ Soosai commanded the ‘Sea Tigers’. He was killed during the final phase of eelam war IV), Velupillai Prabhakaran and ‘Colonel’ Swarnam, veteran fighter (killed during the final phase of the conflict) and an unidentified senior IPKF officer. The SLA identified the person standing behind the IPKF officer as Gadafi, one-time bodyguard of Prabhakaran (this picture was among hundreds of pictures found by the army during the Vanni battles).

By Shamindra Ferdinando

In the wake of the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) securing the Northern Provincial Council (NPC) at Saturday’s first ever Northern PC polls, it would be pertinent to examine the circumstances under which the Eelam People’s Revolutionary Liberation Front (EPRLF) took control of the North-East Provincial Council (NEPC) at an election conducted by the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF).

Since the liberation of the Eastern Province in mid 2007, the Eastern Provincial Council (EPC) was elected twice (2008 and 2012), though the NPC poll was delayed until the government achieved substantial progress in the post-war recovery project.

The military brought the war to an end on the morning of May 19, 2009, when troops shot dead LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakaran on the banks of the Nanthikadal lagoon.

In June 1987, the then Indian government forced Sri Lanka to call off the largest ever combined security forces offensive codenamed ‘Operation Liberation’ aimed at regaining Jaffna to pave the way for the Indo-Lanka Accord (ILA) on July 29, 1987. The offensive was launched after the collapse of the Thimpu initiative in August 1985. The Indian bid failed primarily due to the LTTE’s inflexible attitude, leaving President JRJ with no other option than an all out offensive directed against the LTTE.

The ILA was meant to confine the Sri Lankan military to barracks and devolve powers to the provinces after having merged the Eastern Province with the Northern Province as one administrative unit. There was also provision for a referendum to be held by December 31, 1988 in the Eastern Province comprising Trincomalee, Batticaloa and Ampara districts to decide whether the merger should be permanent. But the then Sri Lankan President JRJ had the power in accordance with the ILA to postpone the referendum at his discretion.

In spite of strong objections by the then main Opposition, the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) led by former Prime Minister, Sirimavo Bandaranaike, President JRJ on November 14, 1987 ensured the passage of the 13th Amendment to the Constitution as well as the Provincial Councils Act No 42 to create the PCs. The President’s move caused instability, with the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) stepping up second uprising. A section of the UNP too, opposed President JRJ though he issued proclamations on September 2 and 8, 1988 enabling the Northern and Eastern provinces to be one administrative unit administered by one elected council.

President JRJ insisted that the merger was meant to be a temporary measure and those living in the Eastern Province had the power to exercise their franchise at a referendum on or before Dec 31, 1988 to decide whether it should be a permanent merger.

India felt that the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) would be comfortably able to secure the NEPC at the forthcoming elections. The Indian move went awry due to unforeseen circumstances which changed the political history of Sri Lanka and India. Successive governments refrained from calling for a referendum in the Eastern Province until the JVP, the then political ally of President Mahinda Rajapaksa moved the Supreme Court against the merger. Having examined three separate petitions filed by the JVP seeking a separate Provincial Council for the Eastern Province, the Supreme Court on October 16, 2006 ruled that the proclamations issued by President Jayewardene were null and void and had no legal effect. The NE Province was formally de-merged into the Northern and Eastern provinces on January 1, 2007.

Interestingly, even before President JRJ issued proclamations merging the Eastern Province with the Northern Province, the government conducted PC polls in other regions during the period of April 28, 1988 and June 9, 1988. Having established PCs in the Southern, Western, North Central, Sabaragamuwa, Uva, North Western and Central Provinces, President JRJ set the stage for the first election for the temporarily merged NEPC.

Unexpected development

India wanted the TULF to contest the NEPC polls. In fact, India guaranteed the TULF of a polls victory. Contrary to President JRJ’s opinion, India insisted that Sri Lankan security forces and the police couldn’t get involved in security in the province in accordance with the ILA. Automatically, the IPKF took charge of the operation. The Colombo based diplomatic community and civil society turned a blind eye to what was going on the NE Province. The TULF decided against contesting the polls as it didn’t want to earn the wrath of the LTTE. In spite of being expelled from the Jaffna peninsula by the IPKF, the LTTE remained strong in the Vanni. The LTTE also conducted hit and run attacks on the IPKF and its allies in the Jaffna peninsula as well as in the Eastern Province. The TULF opposed elections at any level before the IPKF and the LTTE suspended hostilities. The TULF also strongly opposed India’s decision to arm groups opposed to the LTTE on the pretext of forming a Citizens Volunteer Force (CVF). In fact, the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC), too, strongly opposed the formation of another armed group, as it threatened the interests of the community, particularly in the Eastern Province. But India was adamant.

Another contentious issue was having separate elections in the Northern and Eastern Provinces, though the elected members would form a single administrative unit. The TULF urged India to take tangible measures to restore normalcy before going ahead with the polls, though members expressed their reluctance to contest due to LTTE threats. The LTTE warned the TULF to boycott the polls or face the consequences. The TULF refused to contest, though India assured the leadership of protection. The TULF quite rightly realized that LTTE leader Velupllai Prabhakaran would never allow the NEPC to function as long as India didn’t come to an understanding with him. Irate Indian officials threatened the TULF with punitive action unless it went along with their strategy. Still the TULF refused.

A bloody war erupted in the wake of the IPKF launching a massive operation on the night of October 10/11, 1987 in response to a spate of LTTE attacks on its troops. Although India subsequently made attempts to reconcile with the LTTE, Prabhakaran refused to collaborate, hence upsetting the entire Indian strategy.

India turns to EPRLF

India had no option but to turn towards EPRLF leader, K. Pathmanaba, who swiftly accepted the opportunity to contest the NEPC with the backing of the IPKF. The EPRLF leadership realized that the political project couldn’t go wrong due to the direct involvement of the IPKF, which worked closely with the group. The Tamil Eelam Liberation Organization (TELO), the Eelam Revolutionary Organization of Students (EROS) and the People’s Liberation Organization of Tamil Eelam (PLOTE) declined to contest. The IPKF threw its weight behind the EPRLF, which promised the electorate peace, democracy and unity. In spite of the EPRLF being an armed group, the then Elections Commissioner Chandrananda de Silva recognized it as a political party at the behest of the government. The LTTE vowed to annihilate the EPRLF, regardless of IPKF security at its disposal.

At the behest of India, Madras based TULF leader A. Amirthalingam issued a statement urging the Tamil speaking people to exercise their franchise to consolidate gains made by the community through the ILA. The failure on the part of India to convince the TULF to participate in the electoral process made the first NEPC polls a futile exercise. The election was eventually held on November 19, 1988 under the supervision of the IPKF. Although the LTTE launched a series of attacks in the Eastern Province, it couldn’t sabotage the election process.

The JVP too, warned those exercising their franchise with death. The JVP directed its threats particularly at the Sinhalese living in Trincomalee and Ampara districts. However, unlike the LTTE, the JVP didn’t have the wherewithal to carry out its threats.

India exploited the ground situation as well as the provision that separate elections would be held in the Northern and the Eastern Provinces to facilitate a comfortable victory for the EPRLF. President JRJ watched helplessly while the then Indian High Commissioner in Colombo, J. N. Dixit arranged a no contest pact in the Northern Province to the benefit of Padmanaba’s group. In the Eastern Province, too, the IPKF worked overtime to ensure the EPRLF’s victory. The EPRLF secured 41 out of 71 seats in the NEPC. On October 10, 1988, India installed Varatharaja Perumal as the Chief Minister of the NEPC.

Lt. Gen. Kalkat speaks out

Addressing the media in Trincomalee on November 19, the IPKF chief, Lt. General A.S. Kalkat alleged that the LTTE planned to cause a bloodbath in the temporarily merged province. The Reuters quoted Lt. Gen. Kalkat as having said: "But many voters defied a boycott call by Tamil terrorists and Sinhala extremists and went to the polls. The LTTE had vowed not to let the democratic process go through. They had promised a bloodbath."

Due to LTTE threats directed at the polling staff, India had to request President JRJ to send public servants from Colombo to man polling booths in the Eastern Province. The Sri Lankan Air Force (SLAF) and the Indian Air Force (IAF) airlifted hundreds of polling staff from the Ratmalana air base to China Bay. Polls chief, Chandrananda de Silva said that he had to depend on polls staff from the South due to the reluctance on the part of public servants in the Eastern Province to man polling booths. De Silva estimated that approximately 4,000 polling staff was needed to be deployed in the Eastern Province to man nearly 600 polling booths (Polls staff airlifted –The Island November 18, 1988).

Lt. Gen. Kalkat alleged that the LTTE had ordered the killing of five civilians every night from every village between November 12 and 19 (Poor turnout of Sinhala voters in East with strap line heavy polling reported in certain areas-The Island Nov 20, 1988). Although the LTTE mounted a series of attacks in the Eastern Province, a substantial number of Tamils and Muslims exercised their franchise. However, the vast majority of Sinhalese living in the Eastern Province kept away from voting. The IPKF and the EPRLF brought voters to polling booths under the very noses of the election staff. The EPRLF ordered the electorate to vote for its candidates or face the consequences.

With the setting up of Perumal’s administration, the IPKF intensified its operations targeting the LTTE. Unfortunately, the EPRLF failed to consolidate its base and further expand on it much to the anxiety of the Indian government. In spite of winning the NEPC with the IPKF’s patronage, the EPRLF couldn’t win over the hearts and minds of Tamil speaking people. In hindsight, both India and the EPRLF failed to comprehend the then Prime Minister Ranasinghe Premadasa’s strategy. Perhaps, they felt President JRJ would pave the way for either Gamini Dissanayake or Lalith Athulathmudali to contest the presidential election in December 1988. Had that happened, the EPRLF could have had an opportunity to consolidate its position in the NE province without difficulty. India firmly believed that it could come to an understanding with Dissanayake or Athulathmudali to ensure the implementation of the ILA. The Indian strategy collapsed when Premadasa secured the UNP presidential nomination in early November 1988. Much to the disappointment of India, both the UNP presidential candidate, Ranasinghe Premadasa and his main challenger, Sirimavo Bandaranaike vowed to abrogate the ILA. They declared that the IPKF would be asked to leave immediately after their victory. Amidst bloody violence perpetrated by the LTTE in the NE province and the JVP in the South, Premadasa won the country’s second presidential election held on December 19, 1988. Premadasa secured 50.43 per cent of all votes cast at the election to defeat Sirimavo Bandaranaike, who obtained 44.95 per cent of votes. Those living in areas under LTTE control couldn’t vote for want of polling booths.

In fact, both India and EPRLF knew the trouble they were heading for even before the November 19, 1988 NEPC polls as Premadasa handed in his nomination for the presidential election on November 10, 1988. Soon after securing the nomination, Premadasa told his close associates of his intention to reach an understanding with the JVP as well as the LTTE, much to the discontent among party men. The President felt that he could win over Tamil speaking people and the majority community by getting rid of the IPKF as both the LTTE and the JVP opposed the ILA. The war on terror series had dealt extensively with the consequences of President Premadasa’s ill-fated strategies.

JVP’s bid to cripple Torrington Square media complex thwarted

War on terror revisited : Part 166

August 25, 2013, 8:55 pm



In the background of the SLAF chopper used for VIP flights, President Ranasinghe Premadasa stands with his son, Sajith and daughter, Dulanjali at his Ambanpola estate, during the ceasefire with the LTTE. Babu, tasked with assassinating the President sometimes accompanied him to Ambanpola, also in SLAF choppers. A young SLAF pilot, Roshan Goonetileke stands next to the President (Recently retired from the post of Chief of Defence, with the rank of Air Chief Marshal)





By Shamindra Ferdinando


At the height of the JVP-led second insurrection (July 1987-early 1990) the government placed the elite Special Task Force (STF) in charge of security at the SLBC/Rupavanini /ITN complex at Torrington square. Amidst JVP efforts to sabotage the complex, the STF was given the unenviable task of ensuring uninterrupted services. The then ASP (Operations Colombo) Nimal Lewke recalled STF Commandant Lionel Karunasena instructing him to establish a base at the complex to enhance security (Having served the STF as its Commandant during a crucial period in the war against the LTTE, Lewke retired at the conclusion of the conflict, with the rank of Senior DIG).


According to Lewke, the then Defence Secretary, Gen. Sepala Attygalle had wanted the STF to be in charge of security at the complex. Lewke said: "The then Chief Inspector Upul Seneviratne functioned as the officer-in-charge of the complex. A group of commandos took up position at the complex. We worked closely with other services to thwart JVP plans." (Seneviratne was killed in a claymore mine blast on the morning of July 7, 2006 at Digana as he was on his way to the Katukurunda STF training base. Seneviratne held the rank of SSP at the time of his death).


Due to growing JVP threats directed at employees of the three institutions, the STF went to the extent of accommodating them at the Sri Lanka Foundation Institute (SLFI). However, some employees, including those who had been engaged in news reading quit, compelling the military and the STF to assign news readers and in some instances camera crews for media coverage. Lewke said that an SLAF crew accompanied the government’s chief negotiator, Minister A.C.S. Hameed on a special mission across army frontlines in Palaly for a clandestine confab with the LTTE (previous piece dealt with Minister Hameed’s mission which almost ended up in disaster on June 16, 1990). It was the only such mission undertaken by the government after the outbreak of hostilities on the night of June 10, 1990.


Thevis Guruge warned


As the JVP was known to have infiltrated the armed forces and the police, those in charge of counter-insurgency operations had to take precautions to prevent infiltration of the Torrington complex. Lewke recalled warning the then SLBC Chairman Thevis Guruge of a possible attempt on his life and the presence of a JVP mole within the complex a few days before his assassination on July 23, 1989. The JVP killed the versatile Rupavahini personality Premakeerthi de Alwis (42) on the night of July 31, 1989. Lewke said: "We were seriously concerned about the threat to Guruge as well as several other employees. Subsequent to the killing of Guruge and Alwis, the JVP also killed SLBC News Editor Kulasiri Amaratunga (62), as it stepped up violence in the wake of the government entering into a fresh dialogue with the LTTE in May 1989." Amaratunga was shot in the neck by a gunman at his Mount Lavinia residence in August 1989.


Lewke recollected the severe difficulties caused by the assassination of media personalities. Obviously, the JVP felt that the government could be seriously undermined by crippling the SLBC and the two state-run television stations.


The attempt to sabotage the Torrington complex should be examined in the backdrop of the JVP targeting the Lake House distribution network in the provinces. The JVP ordered people not to buy Lake House publications or face the consequences. The government ordered the military and the police to distribute the Dinamina, Daily News and the Observer, free of charge.


Insurgents released,
terror intensified


Having won the parliamentary polls in early April 1989, President Premadasa caused a devastating setback to counter-insurgency operations by releasing hundreds of insurgents. Although the President’s political colleagues and the military top brass realized the stupidity of the President’s move, none dared dispute him. With the release of suspects, the JVP stepped up its campaign with an all out assault on the government media. Lewke stressed the importance of the work undertaken by the military and the police to ensure that the Torrington complex remained operational. Lewke said: The "collapse of operations there could have had a devastating impact on the overall government counter insurgency strategy. There could have been chaos if the state media failed at that time."


However, government forces could concentrate fully on the JVP threat due to the LTTE returning to the negotiating table (May 1989-June 1990). Although the military brought the JVP to its knees in November/December 1989, it remained involved in the Torrington square media operation.


It would be pertinent to mention that the STF was also responsible for the safety and security of the LTTE delegation during its stay in Colombo. The STF remained in charge of visiting LTTE delegates’ security from May 1989 until June 1990 a small contingent was escorted to the Ratmalana air base, for transfer to Palaly.


The then Leading Aircraftsman (LAC) P.W. Dissanayake, a member of the four-man SLAF crew led by the then Flying Officer Andrew Wijesuriya which accompanied Minister Hameed into enemy-held territory recalled joining the then State Minister for Defence, Ranjan Wijeratne on a special mission in late March 1990. Dissanayake (retired in Dec 2008 with the rank of Warrant Officer) said: "Close on the heels of the last Indian army contingent leaving Sri Lanka on March 24, 1990, State Minister for Defence Ranjan Wijeratne visited major security forces bases in the northern and eastern districts. The minister explained the situation to the officers and men and their new responsibilities in the wake of the Indian pullout. Having visited the camps, the minister returned to Colombo, to brief President Premadasa at Sucharitha."


Dissanayake stressed that Minister Wijeratne never indicated the possibility of resumption of hostilities or any problem with the LTTE. Instead, he underscored the importance of the ongoing ceasefire agreement with the LTTE, though some feared Prabhakaran quitting the negotiating table. The STF was also deeply involved in President Premadasa’s security. Both President Premadasa and his predecessor, JRJ largely depended on the elite force for important projects.


Gamini, Lalith earn
Premadasa’s wrath


President Premadasa felt he could exploit the Indian pullout to his political advantage. The president’s assertion was based on the premise that his understanding with Prabhakaran could be transformed into a permanent peace agreement. Although a section of the UNP as well as the military top brass feared the President’s project could go wrong, none of them wanted to voice their concerns. The LTTE cleverly propagated that India’s Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) was still continuing its destabilization project though the Indian army quit the country. The LTTE identified one-time Mahaweli Minister and JRJ confidant Gamini Dissanayake as the person spearheading the Indian agenda here. On the other hand, one-time National Security Minister Lalith Athulathmudali was branded as a person promoting Israeli interests here. The allegation was made subsequent to the closure of the Israeli Interests Section on April 20, 1990. President Premadasa lambasted Athulathmudali in parliament though he was not identified by name. The state-run media gave wide coverage to President Premadasa’s criticism directed at Athulathmudali who expressed doubts about the UNP leader’s strategy. President Premadasa resented Dissanayake and Athulathmudali for being critical of his handling of the peace process. When Dissanayake and Athulathmudali teamed up later to move an impeachment motion against President Premadasa, an angry President declared in parliament: "…I had the Israeli Interests Section removed. In such a context, there is nothing to be surprised about Mossad rising against me. Please remember that there are among us those who have gone to Israeli universities and lectured there and earned dirty money."


Athulathmudali voiced his concern that the military could find itself in an extremely difficult position in case the LTTE resumed hostilities. Athulathmudali asserted that the vacation of Point Pedro and Valvettitutai during the ceasefire and the failure on the part of the government to redeploy troops in the immediate aftermath of the Indian pullout could cause an unprecedented crisis. Obviously, Athulathmudali’s successor, State Minister for Defence Ranjan Wijeratne too, went along with President Premadasa’s strategy. Minister Wijeratne remained silent about major concession made by President Premadasa, though he realized the LTTE was exploiting the situation.


Baseless theory


Some have speculated that President Premadasa, with the help of a faction led by Gopalswamy Mahendraraja alias Mahattaya plotted to eliminate Prabhakaran in a lightning operation. That couldn’t have been the case in the backdrop of assertions that Mahattaya had been under the influence of the Indian intelligence and Minister Dissanayake too, was plotting against President Premadasa, with the connivance of India. Instead, President Premadasa allowed Prabhakaran to flex his muscles by restricting the military presence in Jaffna as well as the Vanni theatres to very much less than two battalions. A simple examination of the military deployment would reveal that the President and his advisors never planned for any eventuality. Although President Premadasa could have beefed up the military presence in the Northern region, consequent to the eradication of the JVP threat in November/December 1989 and the Indian army pullout in March 1990, he did absolutely nothing. Had there been some sort of understanding with Mahattaya, it would have been shown on the ground. At the time, the LTTE resumed hostilities during the second week of June 1990, the army deployment in the Eastern Province comprised just three infantry battalions and less than two in the entire Northern region.


When fighting erupted, the army didn’t even have adequate transport to move troops from the South to the northern and eastern districts. The then President Premadasa’s security advisor General Cyril Ranatunga revealed in his memoirs, the army using private transport to move troops. Arms and ammunition too, had been in short supply due to the UNP administration neglecting the armed forces’ needs due to the Indo-Lanka Accord and the subsequent honeymoon with the LTTE. Unfortunately, the likes of Ranatunga and the then army commander Lt. General Hamilton Wanasinghe remained passive onlookers as the situation rapidly deteriorated in the northern and eastern provinces.


The Indian pullout was meant to speed up the national reconciliation process with the LTTE promoting PFLT (People’s Front of Liberation Tigers) in the northern and eastern districts. Instead, the LTTE overnight changed its attitude when the last Indian contingent left Trincomalee. Although the state-run media as well as those in the privately owned media worked overtime to portray a rosy picture, the situation continued to deteriorate rapidly with the LTTE imposing restrictions on the military. The LTTE went to the extent of detaining officers who defied its diktat. The LTTE took up the position that all movements between security forces camps in the Jaffna peninsula should be strictly subject to its prior approval. The situation in the Eastern Province was better, though the LTTE repeatedly interfered with the security forces and police, much to the resentment of those deployed there. Until war erupted in June 1990, the President did absolutely nothing to review the situation. Instead, he bent backwards to appease the LTTE. The President remained committed to peace at any cost until the war erupted during the second week of June 1990, with the execution of over 600 policemen.

ICRC push for Jaffna demilitarized zone angers Ranjan W

* War on terror revisited : Part 165

August 22, 2013, 12:00 pm 

By Shamindra Ferdinando

LTTE theoretician Anton Balasingham and Yogiratnam on ground at Nedunkerni in Vanni east in early May 1989 shortly before they boarded Bell 212 captained by Flight Lieutenant Romesh Mendis for journey to Colombo. IN the center is senior police official Eric Perera (person wearing a cap). Adele Balasingham (extreme right)

The then President Ranasinghe Premadasa paved the way for the ICRC presence in Sri Lanka during the second JVP insurgency (July 1987-Nov/Dec 1989). The invitation was extended during his honeymoon with the LTTE (May 1989-June 1990). Soon after the LTTE resumed hostilities on the night of June 10, 1990, the ICRC expanded its operations to cover the entire country with the focus on the northern and eastern districts. The ICRC established offices there and quickly brought in additional foreign personnel to run newly established offices in areas dominated by the LTTE. With the armed forces under siege in most districts, the LTTE had direct access to ICRC offices in the wake of various international agencies expanding their operations here. Having resumed hostilities, the LTTE deprived water to the people of Kallar, Seruwila and Serunuwara by closing the sluice gates of the Werugal tank. The ICRC mission in Trincomalee engaged in negotiations with the LTTE to pave the way for the resumption of water supplies. The government too supported the ICRC bid, as it felt it didn’t have any other option. The LTTE rejected the plea forcing the army to launch an operation to open the sluice gates. An operation involving the Sri Lanka Light Infantry (SLLI), Gemunu Watch and Gajaba Regiment troops dislodged terrorists to pave the way for the resumption of the water supply. The army killed seven terrorists during the operation, while five personnel lost their limbs due to explosions caused by anti-personnel mines.

The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), called for the immediate declaration of a demilitarized zone in the area covering the Jaffna Fort and the Jaffna hospital during the last week of July 1990. The ICRC made its move amidst the ongoing LTTE efforts to overrun the Jaffna fort manned by the Sixth battalion of the Sinha Regiment (6SR). The ICRC felt that a tripartite agreement involving the government, the LTTE and the ICRC could prevent the battle for the Dutch-built Jaffna fort from jeopardizing the lives of those seeking treatment at the premier medical institution in the peninsula, as well as the staff.

Much to the dismay of those battling the LTTE, the government promptly accepted the ICRC proposal. The then minister John Amaratunga declared the government’s readiness to accept the ICRC proposal provided the LTTE too, agreed to reciprocate. Minister Amaratunga wouldn’t have voiced support for the controversial move without having obtained President Ranasinghe Premadasa’s blessings. The UNP leader still believed he could reach an understanding with the LTTE to pave the way for Prabhakaran’s return to the negotiating table.

The LTTE resumed hostilities on the night of June 10, 1990 after having direct negotiations with the UNP administration for 14 months. The ICRC bid was the first such attempt after President Premadasa’s chief negotiator, Minister A.C.S. Hameed made a desperate attempt to work out a deal with the LTTE about a week after the resumption of hostilities.

Before discussing the ICRC move further, it would be pertinent to examine the circumstances under which Minister Hameed met the then LTTE deputy leader Gopalswamy Mahendraraja alias Mahattaya at a place close to the Nallur temple, on June 16, 1990. Subsequent to the meeting which lasted for almost seven hours, the presidential secretariat announced a fresh ceasefire with effect from 6 p.m. on June 16, 1990. The ceasefire never materialized (Government and LTTE agree on ceasefire-The Island Jun 17, 1990). Instead, major battles erupted in the wake of the failed peace bid with the LTTE stepping up attacks on security forces detachments in the Jaffna and Vanni theatres. The LTTE overran Kokavil during the second week of July 1990. Two weeks later, the army abandoned its base at Kilinochchi. The debacles at Kokavil and Kilinochchi paved the way for an all out assault on the detachment at Mankulam, compelling the army to vacate it during the fourth week of November 1990.

SLAF team accompanies Hameed

The then Leading Aircraftman (LAC) P.W. Dissanayake recollected accompanying Minister Hameed in the guise of an employee of the state-owned Rupavahini Corporation (Dissanayake retired in Dec 2008 with the rank of Warrant Officer). Dissanayake said: "There were altogether four of us, including the then Flying Officer Andrew Wijesuriya, who was in charge of the group (Wijesuriya holds the rank of Air Commodore now). The team included LACs, D.M.K. Dassanayake and S.M.A. Jayatissa. We accompanied the minister on the pretext of being a Rupavahini crew assigned to cover the meeting in the LTTE held area. Having reached the end of the area under military control, four of us got into the back of an LTTE vehicle, while Minister Hameed got into another vehicle also driven by an LTTE cadre. We reached the venue for the meeting, though the LTTE denied us access to the meeting though we were allowed to take some footage before the commencement of the discussion. We had lunch there before returning to Palaly in the evening."

Dissanayake recalled the then LTTE commander in charge of Jaffna, Dominic coming in a Pajero to no man’s land to escort them to the meeting. According to him, they had arrived in Palaly along with Minister Hameed earlier in the day in a beechsuper King. The minister’s mission could have gone awry even before he entered the LTTE held area when troops fired at an LTTE vehicle, possibly the one carrying Dominic. The then Major Crishanthe de Silva of the Engineers Regiment had the unenviable task of driving Minister Hameed to the LTTE line (Major General de Silva was recently appointed Chief of Staff, with the elevation of Major General Daya Ratnayake as the Commander of the army). According to Major General de Silva, troops had opened fire as two LTTE vehicles entered the no fire zone, instead of one as agreed earlier. "In hindsight, the then government had been prepared to take unprecedented risks in a bid to bring the LTTE back to the negotiating table. In spite of the LTTE causing heavy losses to the government at the onset of eelam war II during the second week of June 1990, the government pushed hard for a settlement. Minister Hameed’s mission was such an endeavor. In fact, the LTTE went to the extent of firing indiscriminately at the Palaly airfield as Minister Hameed was walking towards the beechsuper King which was parked on the runway. The Minister was rushing back to Ratmalana to brief President Ranasinghe Premadasa of the outcome of his meeting."

Rupavahini under military control

In response to the threat posed by the JVP, the government brought the Rupavahini Corporation under military control. It was part of the overall counter subversive strategy to thwart the JVP from destabilizing a vital state propaganda organ. The then Air Commodore Ananda Samarakoon functioned as the Competent Authority, with the army responsible for the main control room, the navy responsible for the studios and the air force for handling the news room. Those who had been assigned to accompany Minister Hameed were members of the air force contingent attached to Rupavahini. Wijesuriya and the then Flight Lieutenant Ushan Wickremesinghe had functioned as English news readers, whereas there was a separate team of Sinhala news readers. Air Commodore Wijesuriya recollected LACs, Dissanayake, Dasanayake and Jayatissa joining him voluntarily when he wanted only one for the mission. During the visit to the LTTE held area, Wijesuriya had functioned as a producer with Rupavahini. The government had no option but to depend on the military to run Rupavahini as well as the ITN and also to distribute newspapers published by Lake House in the face of the JVP threat. Although the JVP collapsed in November/December 1989 with the execution of its leader Rohana Wijeweera, the military remained in charge of Rupavahini and the ITN, hence Wijesuriya’s team joining Minister Hameed in a dangerous mission.

Wijeratne dismisses ICRC move

The ICRC sought a fresh dialogue between the government and the LTTE to establish a demilitarized zone in Jaffna in the wake of the military planning to launch a major lagoon borne assault to break the siege on the Jaffna Fort. The combined security forces offensive codenamed ‘Thrivida Balaya’ was spearheaded by the then Major General Denzil Kobbekaduwa, the General Officer Commanding (GoC) of the Second Division headquartered in Anuradhapura. Thrivida Balaya was meant to regain Jaffna town. None other than Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa, who had been in command of the first battalion of the Gajaba Regiment (IGR) assigned for the assault told the writer that the army couldn’t achieve its objective. The then State Minister for Defence, Ranjan Wijeratne reacted angrily when he heard of the ICRC’s bid to declare a demilitarized zone covering the Jaffna fort and the hospital area. Minister Wijeratne had been overseas at the time the ICRC initiative got underway. Having returned to the country on August 4, 1990, Minister Wijeratne declared that a ceasefire in the northern region was useless and detrimental to national security interests. The media quoted Minister Wijeratne as having said: "Why should we have demilitarized zones and ceasefires when they are brutally massacring innocent people? I am not in a mood for any demilitarized zone or ceasefire". Minister Wijeratne was speaking seven days after Minister Amaratunga welcomed the ICRC initiative. Minister Wijeratne and the military top brass voiced concern over the ICRC proposal. They asserted that the proposed demilitarized zone would effectively thwart the launch of offensive action to regain the Jaffna town, hence it couldn’t be accepted under any circumstances.

War preparations underway

Amidst the debate on the ICRC proposal, the navy carried out a major operation involving landing craft, SLNS Pabbatha and SLNS Kandula to ferry arms, ammunition and equipment needed by troops tasked for ‘Thrivida Balaya’ from Trincomalee to the newly built landing point at Milady. The army worked without a break to construct the new landing point which extended about 150 metres from the land to facilitate the offloading of military equipment, vehicles and other supplies. The launch of the operation had been tentatively planned for the third week of August 1990 with sea and air borne troops securing Kayts before proceeding to cross the Jaffna lagoon, after having overcome LTTE resistance on Mandathivu Island.

Minister Wijeratne opposed the ICRC bid as he felt it could jeopardize the plan to regain Jaffna town. Although the army succeeded in breaking the siege on the fort on the morning of September 13, 1990, it couldn’t achieve its primary objective to liberate Jaffna town. The operation to liberate Jaffna had to be called off in late September 1990 and the fort abandoned much to the dismay of those who pushed hard for a pragmatic strategy to defeat the LTTE.

The LTTE released 15 Tamil speaking policemen who had been in their captivity through the ICRC in support of the latter’s initiative. The ICRC moved the released policemen from Jaffna to Trincomalee to pave the way for favourable media coverage for the LTTE. An angry Wijeratne pointed out that the LTTE had massacred over 600 policemen during the second week of June 1990 therefore the much publicized release of Tamil speaking personnel was nothing but a publicity gimmick.

At the onset of the ICRC initiative, the LTTE stormed two mosques at Kattankudy on August 3, 1990 killing about 150 Muslims. Immediately thereafter, the LTTE massacred about 50 Muslims in and around Akkaraipattu, also in the Eastern Province. The SLMC lambasted the government for failing to provide sufficient security to the community, in spite of repeated appeals since the commencement of hostilities during the second week of June, 1990.

The ICRC, while pushing for a demilitarized zone in Jaffna, remained strangely silent as regards LTTE atrocities in the Eastern Province. Muslims went on the rampage targeting Tamil civilians. Al Oluvil in the Eastern Province, an armed gang massacred 48 Tamil civilians. Another gang chased Tamils from Kudapokuna in the Mahaweli area as the police and the military looked the other way. The government struggled to cope with the rapidly deteriorating situation in predominately Tamil and Muslim areas in the Eastern Province. Addressing parliament on the morning of August 7, 1990, Minister Wijeratne reiterated his commitment to finish off the LTTE. Without making any reference to planned ‘Thrivida Balaya’ aimed at liberating Jaffna, the outspoken minister declared: "We will show no mercy. We will annihilate terrorists." Within hours after Minister Wijeratne’s vow, the LTTE retaliated. In a deliberate attempt to provoke the government, terrorists massacred 32 Sinhala men, women and children at Bandarduwa in the Ampara district. On the following day, they attacked a private bus on the Morawewa-Horowpothana road killing 27 Sinhalese, including 15 women. The LTTE stormed a Sinhala village in the Vavuniya district killing eight persons. Within a week, about 300 civilians, the majority of them Muslims, were dead. The country was in chaos. In spite of threatening to eradicate the LTTE, Minister Wijeratne didn’t have the wherewithal to take the battle into enemy territory. Instead, the military was fighting to save the remaining bases in the Jaffna and Vanni theatres. The government lacked troops to thwart attacks on civilians. The military also found it extremely difficult to prevent hit and run attacks aimed at crippling overland movements. Unfortunately, the government failed to realize the urgent need to enhance the fighting strength to meet the LTTE challenge. The government ignored the urgent need to develop a cohesive strategy with the focus on a rapid increase in the fighting strength. The country paid dearly for President Premadasa’s lapse.

Could GoSL have afforded to lose Israeli help?

War on terror revisited : Part 164

August 20, 2013, 8:40 pm 

Katunayake airbase during eelam war IV:President Mahinda Rajapaksa proudly sits at the controls of a Kfir. Kfirs of the No 10 squadron spearheaded the air campaign along with MiG 27 and Chinese jets.

By Shamindra Ferdinando

The then President Ranasinghe Premadasa closed down the Israeli Interests Section on April 20, 1990 much to the delight of the Muslim community here. The President’s move was meant to silence the then SLFP leadership, which had been clamoring for the closure of the Israeli Interest Section, since President Premadasa’s predecessor, JRJ invited the Israelis to Colombo, in accordance with a tripartite agreement involving the US, Israel and Sri Lanka. The agreement also envisaged the establishment of Voice of America (VOA) station at Iranawila, much to the apprehension of India.

Had the UK and United States offered direct military assistance to Sri Lanka in response to JRJ’s plea, the country wouldn’t have had to seek Israeli armaments as well as expertise to meet the terrorist challenge. The then Soviet Union, too, turned a blind eye to Sri Lanka’s predicament due to its extremely close relationship with India, particularly in the wake of the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in Dec 1979. The Soviet Union occupied Afghanistan until February 1989. India declined to condemn the Soviet invasion, which one-time Indian Foreign Secretary J.N. Dixit called one of the two major foreign policy blunders made by Premier Indira Gandhi, the other being forming terrorist groups in Sri Lanka (Makers of India’s Foreign Policy; Raja Ram Mohun to Yashwant Sinha. Dixit who had been India’s High Commissioner in Colombo at the time of the signing of the Indo-Lanka Peace Accord authored the book published in 2004).

President Premadasa made his controversial decision in the wake of Victor Ostrovsky, a former member of the premier Israeli intelligence agency, Mossad revealing in his best seller, ‘By Way of Deception; The Making and Unmaking of a Mossad Officer’ that the Israelis providing military training simultaneously to both Sri Lankan military personnel as well as Tamil separatists in Israel in the mid 80s. It would be pertinent to mention that Ostrovsky never identified those who had undergone training there as members of the LTTE, though a reference was made to Tamil Tigers, whom the author described as a grouping of Tamil guerilla factions. The best seller was co authored by Claire Hoy.

US facilitates GoSL-Israel relationship

The then US administration of Ronald Reagan was instrumental in setting up the Israeli Interest Section in response to the growing threat posed by Indian sponsored terrorist groups. Having declined to provide US military assistance as it didn’t want to annoy India, President Reagan instead facilitated a working relationship between Israel and Sri Lanka for the latter to receive both weapons and expertise. The setting up of the Israeli Interest Section in Colombo took place in the wake of several high level visits by US officials, including Defence Secretary Casper Weinberger on Oct 1, 1983. Weinberger’s visit was followed by US General Vernon Walters, President Reagan’s Special envoy.

An examination of revelations made by Ostrovsky stunned many countries, including the US. Ostrovsky disclosed how Mossad withheld from the US information relating to planned suicide attacks on US and French barracks in Beirut killing 241 US personnel, including 220 Marines and 58 French paratroopers, respectively. The Oct 23 1983 blasts, caused by explosives-filled trucks caused injuries to 60 US and 15 French personnel, respectively. According to the author, Mossad felt that the loss of US lives could poison US-Arab relations, hence the decision was made to remain silent. Israel made a futile attempt to have the book banned worldwide through legal means after having failed to convince Ostrovsky not to go ahead with his project. Israel wouldn’t have tried to thwart the publication of the book if Ostrovsky was making it up. There couldn’t be a reason to concoct a story relating to Sri Lanka, if the other claims were true.

Among other shocking revelations was Mossad having the then PLO leader Yasser Arafat’s driver as well as bodyguard on its payroll.

President Premadasa appointed a Presidential Commission of inquiry to probe Ostrovsky’s revelation relating to Sri Lanka. Among those who gave evidence was eminent journalist Mervyn de Silva. He stated as follows:

"He said he was of the opinion that the opening of the Israeli Interest Section in Colombo was an unwise step in the face of formal protests and warnings by the leader of the Opposition and the ruling party’s Muslim members led by Dr M.C.M. Kaleel. It was wrong to have assumed that Israel’s national interests coincided with Sri Lanka’s national interests, and more particularly with Sinhalese interests."

Mervyn de Silva went on to say that the elementary fact of Israel’s foreign policy is that the national interest of Israel is the ultimate test and that the Israelis pursue this with cold blooded calculation.

Although the circumstances had been vastly different, the actions of US Army Pfc Bradley Manning (arrested in May 2010 in Iraq), and Edward Snowden (now a refugee in Russia), of the US National Security Agency (NSA), were similar to that of Ostrovsky’s. Revelations made by Manning and Snowden, too, sent shock waves through the global community with the US administration earning the wrath of the US public, over the ongoing surveillance project targeting them.

A foolish move

Whatever the circumstances under which Israel provided training to a group of Tamil separatists in Israel, President Premadasa’s decision to sever diplomatic relations with the Jewish state could have had a debilitating setback to Sri Lanka’s war effort. The country couldn’t have deprived its armed forces of superior Israeli arms, ammunition and equipment in the backdrop of Western powers turning down President JRJ’s plea for weapons. The military also received Israeli military expertise in ground fighting, particularly FIBUA (Fighting in built-up areas) in the ‘80s. The Israelis arrived in Sri Lanka as agricultural experts and set up a training base at Maduru Oya in 1985 to train the army in close quarters combat. Interestingly, at the same time, the Pakistan army had an ongoing project at Saliyapura, Anuradhapura, to train the army. Israel also sent in experts to streamline VIP security in the wake of the JVP making an attempt to assassinate President JRJ in parliament in August 1987.

President Premadasa believed that his government didn’t require Israeli assistance as he was confident of having a political deal with the LTTE. Having invited the LTTE for talks in May 1989, soon after winning the parliamentary polls in April 1989, President Premadasa, Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces acted contrary to the interests of the armed forces. Premadasa announced his decision to close down the Israeli Interest Section close on the heels of India pulling out its Army from Sri Lanka deployed in the then temporarily merged Northern and Eastern Provinces, in accordance with the Indo-Lanka Accord signed on July 29, 1987. The last Indian army contingent quit Sri Lanka on the morning of March 24th, 1990. President Premadasa announced his decision to cease operations of the Israeli Interest Section on April 20, 1990, though the US and Israel knew of the president’s decision in advance. The announcement couldn’t have been made at a worse time.

President Premadasa’s motive for doing away with diplomatic relations with Israel was political. The UNP leader felt that it would be greatly advantageous to him politically to get rid of the Israelis. The President and his advisors as well as the service chiefs didn’t take into account the possibility of the LTTE resuming hostilities. When UNP heavyweights, A.C.S. Hameed and M.H. Mohamed strongly protested against President JRJ going ahead with the pact with Israel, the UNP leader declared that those opposed to his move were free to leave the government. None of those opposed to the Israeli presence here wanted to leave the government. JRJ insisted that defeating terrorism was much more important than appeasing the sentiments of a section of the government. JRJ took an uncompromising stand on his security policy. In fact, JRJ had no option but to depend on Israel for critical military supplies. President Premadasa wasn’t bothered about the implications of his decision. Having annihilated the JVP by November 1989, President Premadasa remained supremely confident of reaching a longstanding agreement with the LTTE. The President’s faith in the LTTE as well as short term political gains influenced his imprudent decision. The UNP leader never realized the LTTE’s strategy. In fact, President Premadasa publicly urged India to call off its military mission here at the behest of the LTTE, even before LTTE theoretician Anton Balasingham accompanied by his Australian born wife, Adele flew into Sri Lanka from London, in late April 1989.

Dvoras to the fore

President Premadasa ignored the fact that Israeli built Fast Attack Craft (FACs) remained a critical part of the overall SLN assets deployed against the LTTE. Since the acquisition of the first pair of 47 ton Dvora FACs in early 1984 and four more craft of similar type two years later, Israeli vessels played an important role in interdicting terrorist boat movements across the Indo-Lanka maritime boundary and defending coastal army bases. President Premadasa realized his folly only when the LTTE resumed hostilities during the second week of June 1990, within weeks after breaking off diplomatic ties with Israel. Having lost the overland Main Supply Route (MSR) to the Jaffna peninsula, the army largely depended on the navy for its supplies. Although the SLAF operated regular flights to Palaly, it couldn’t meet the growing requirements of rapidly expanding army deployment in the Jaffna peninsula. Landing Craft as well as other ships carrying men and material from Trincomalee to Kankesanthurai couldn’t proceed without a large force of FACs escorting them. At the height of the conflict in 2009, the navy had to deploy as many as 20 FACs to escort a convoy from Trincomalee to Kankesanthurai. Had Israel deprived Sri Lanka of the FACs, the navy would have experienced great difficulties in meeting the LTTE challenge at sea. Although Sri Lanka acquired some FACs from the US, France, South Korea as well some built by Colombo Dockyard which operated in collaboration with Japan, the Israeli craft remained the preferred fighting vessels. The navy greatly benefited by Israeli FACs night fighting capabilities.

The LTTE threat to ship movements had been so high that the navy was compelled to seek the support of both the SLA and the SLAF to protect its convoys. At the height of the conflict, the navy had to deploy one Fast Gun Boat (FGB), 20 FACs, twenty-two Arrow Boats and two Inshore Patrol Craft (IPC), while one Mi 24 helicopter gunship and one Beach craft, too, were assigned to protect a single Trinco-KKS convoy. This was revealed by Vice Admiral Samarasinghe before the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC) at the conclusion of the conflict. The army had to place artillery units deployed along the coast on alert to provide gunfire support, in case of an attack on an SLN convoy.

The Israeli FACs to date remain the main strike force, though they may never engage in combat operations again.

When the LTTE resumed hostilities, President Premadasa had to look for new sources for armaments, though China remained the major supplier of arms. Contrary to expectations, President Premadasa couldn’t secure major armaments from the Arab world, hence the military quickly realized that Israel was indispensible as an arms supplier, whatever Ostrovsky had to say about Israel having had a hand in training Tamil terrorists at the onset of the Indian sponsored destabilization project here. The then State Minister for Defence, Ranjan Wijeratne and Trade and Commerce Minister A. R. Mansoor, who undertook a special mission to several West Asian countries to explore ways and means of acquiring new armaments soon found out that the country couldn’t depend on them.

In late 1999, the navy finalized an agreement with Israel for the acquisition of two used Fast Missile Vessels (FMVs). Israel trained ship crews numbering 116 there before Sri Lanka took delivery of the vessels in Aug 2000. They were subsequently commissioned as SLNS Suranimala and SLNS Nandimithra. Although many criticized the acquisition of the vessels, they played the role of Offshore Patrol Vessels (OPVs) during the hunt for LTTE floating arsenals in 2007 and 2008 on the high seas. Along with the two vessels, acquired at a cost of $ 26 mn, Israel gave four Gabriel Mark II missiles free. Israel also gave Sri Lanka the option to order two new FMVs at a cost of $ 46 mn each.

The change of government in Aug 1994 paved the way for enhanced relations with Israel. During the early part of the CBK administration, Sri Lanka acquired Kfirs, a modern multi role fighter aircraft (in service with the SLAF since 1996), Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (also in service with SLAF since 1996. Initially, Sri Lanka acquired three. Subsequently more UAVs, including those capable of conducting night operations were added to the fleet) and most importantly, anti-missile systems, in the wake of shooting down of two British built transport aircraft on April 28, 1995 and April 29, 1995 over the Jaffna peninsula. The SLAF choppers, including the legendary Mi 24/Mi 35 (export version of the Mi 24s) couldn’t have operated without the protection of the expensive Israeli anti-missile systems. At the conclusion of the conflict, veteran helicopter pilot Squadron Leader Sampath Thuyacontha, who commanded the No 09 attack helicopter squadron told the writer that the SLAF couldn’t have sustained operations without adequate anti-missile protection. "What the Israelis produced, especially for our Russian built gunships, was excellent. It met all our requirements."

In spite of efforts by some Western powers to deprive Sri Lanka of weapons, Israel remained a source of strength throughout the war.

A secret flight to Nedunkerni

*War on terror revisited : Part 163

August 13, 2013, 12:00 pm 

A picture taken during the then Wing Commander Roshan Goonetileke’s tenure as the Commanding Officer of the No 4 Helicopter Wing (From L–R seated) Kapila Ratnasekera, Sumangala Dias, Kapila Jayampathy, Ranil Gurusinha, D. Senaratna, Roshan Goonetileke, Healy Herat, Romesh Mendis, Asitha Kodithuwaku, Royce Gunaratne and Jagath Rodrigo.(L- R standing )– Prassana Karunaratne, Dushantha Edirisinha, Thilina Kaluarachchi, Prassana Payoe, Dushan Thalagala, Sampath Thuyacontha, D. Rathnayaka, Ravi Liyanagamage, Dhammika Wijesuriya , Tyronne Silvapulle, Samantha Herat, Ravi Jayasinha.

By Shamindra Ferdinando

The military planned a heli-borne operation to reinforce the isolated camp at Kokavil during the second week of July 1990, though it never materialised. Having brought in the required reinforcements including commandos to Vavuniya to mount the operation, the army abandoned the plan at the last moment.

The then Flight Lieutenant Romesh Mendis, of the No 4 Squadron/Wing had been in charge of the four helicopters assigned to air drop troops. Mendis recollected having been tasked to airlift 160 commandos to a point closer to Kokavil. Mendis said: "I flew over the Kokavil area with Nambukara Chandrasena of the army Commandos to select a possible landing point. Having chosen a landing point, we returned to Vavuniya to finalize the airlift. We were under tremendous pressure to carry out the airlift immediately as the situation at the Kokavil camp was rapidly deteriorating. Kokavil was on the verge of collapse."

The then Wing Commander Sunil Cabral functioned as the Northern Zonal Commander as well as Anuradhapura Base Commander. Cabral spearheaded SLAF efforts.

But, much to the surprise of Mendis, the army top brass in Vavuniya invited him to tea. When he pointed out that they couldn’t afford to have tea in Vavuniya due to the crisis in Kokavil, the army ignored his concerns. Instead of going ahead with the planned airlift, the senior officers had tea before Mendis was directed to launch the airlift. Mendis declined to go ahead with the operation on the basis that the SLAF couldn’t complete the heli-drop before the LTTE reacted. The young officer felt that reinforcements could be massacred unless the entire contingent could be dropped before the LTTE reacted. Mendis asserted that the delay on the part of the army to launch the operation had sealed the fate of those under siege at Kokavil. In hindsight, the army top brass probably never felt confident about launching a rescue operation primarily due to lack of experience in undertaking such a mission. Although the No 4 Helicopter Squadron had experience in heli drops in the northern and eastern provinces, including at the onset of Operation Liberation in late May 1987, it had never undertaken a mission under conditions similar to those prevailing at Kokavil, in July 1990.

Mendis said: "Had we acted swiftly and decisively, perhaps the LTTE attempt to overrun Kokavil could have been thwarted. The overrunning of the undermanned camp had a devastating impact on the fighting forces. The shocking loss of Kokavil demoralized those under siege in the Vanni region. It sent shock waves through the entire defence establishment."

Although a section of the army claimed that the then Commanding Officer of the besieged camp, Lieutenant S. U. Aladeniya had declined to abandon the camp and retreat towards Vavuniya to avoid being overrun, such a plan wasn’t realistic. Having fought the LTTE for several weeks, those under siege at Kokavil lacked the strength to fight their way through the LTTE cordon. By then, most of Lieutenant Aladeniya’s men had been wounded. The only way Kokavil could have been saved was for heli-borne troops to fight their way into the Kokavil camp established some time ago to protect the Rupavahini transmission tower. Except for perhaps two personnel, the LTTE wiped out the entire Kokavil contingent comprising about 50 men. It was the first of many army camps overrun during subsequent years.

Within a decade, the LTTE acquired conventional military capability to overrun a fully equipped Division plus formation. The crushing defeat suffered by the 54 Division headquartered at Elephant Pass in April 2000, highlighted the phenomenal growth of the LTTE.

In the wake of the Kokavil debacle, the then army chief, Lt. Gen. Hamilton Wanasinghe decided to abandoned the army base at Kilinochchi. In fact, the decision taken after the resumption of hostilities on the night of June 10, 1990, to quit Kilinochchi was in accordance with secret negotiations President Ranasinghe Premadasa had had with the LTTE. The vacation of Kilinochchi was to facilitate a fresh peace agreement. But when the LTTE launched an all out attack to dislodge troops from Kilinochchi in July 1990, the army chief ordered a heli borne operation to save the base. The sixth battalion of the Gajaba Regiment (6 GR) and the fifth battalion of the Gemunu Watch (5 GW) carried out the operation successfully during the last week of July 1990.

Romesh Mendis, who retired in 1994 with the rank of Squadron Leader said: "With the loss of Kokavil and Kilinochchi in July 1990, the LTTE directed all its firepower against isolated army base at Mankulam. In spite of  heavy LTTE attacks, troops held on to their positions. By then, Mankulam was the only army base north of Vavuniya along the Kandy-Jaffna A9 road up to Elephant Pass. As the enemy controlled the overland access road leading to Mankulam, the military launched a heli-borne operation to break the siege on Mankulam. The reinforcements included army commandos. The SLAF deployed six choppers, including two helicopter gunships for the operation. The operation to strengthen Mankulam got underway immediately after the Kokavil debacle. Unfortunately, Mankulam couldn’t be saved. The army abandoned the base during the fourth week of November 1990."

Mendis recalled the circumstances under which the SLAF had conducted perhaps the last helicopter mission to evacuate the wounded from Mankulam, before the army abandoned the base. According to Mendis, four personnel, including an air gunner, Leading Aircraftsman, Ratnayake who was a Corporal, as well as a soldier who had survived the Kokavil debacle and walked through the jungles to take refuge at Mankulam died in a hail of bullets directed at his chopper as it took off from Mankulam. Although intense firing had caused damage to the fuel tank, Mendis was able to reach the Vavuniya airfield, with the dead and the wounded. The then Flying Officer Kapila Ratnaseka had captained the other chopper tasked with the evacuation of the wounded. Ratnasekara (retired with the rank of Squadron Leader), had managed to take off from Mankulam before the LTTE could zero in on his chopper. Ratnasekara had been in touch with Lieutenant Aladeniya during the final battle for Kokavil on the night of July 11, 1990. Squadron Leader Ratnasekara recalled Aladeniya contacting him over the communication set to urge air attacks on his base as the enemy was inside the defended area. Ratnasekara said: "I was above the Kokavil camp during the final battle. Aladeniya went off the air about ten minutes after calling for air strikes." Aladeniya of the Sinha Regiment (Volunteer) was posthumously promoted to the rank of Captain.

In the Tiger territory

The then Flight Lieutenant Mendis recalled the circumstances under which he had landed in LTTE-held territory at Nedunkerni in the eastern part of the Vanni region, during the first week of May 1989 to pick up a group of LTTE cadres, including Yogiratnam Yogi. Mendis had been based at the Katunayake air base at the onset of President Pramadasa’s talks with the LTTE, soon after winning the parliamentary polls in April 1989. Mendis was surprised when his Commanding Officer, Wing Commander Sunil Cabral declined his request for leave and directed him to remain at the base at Katunayake, where he received a telephone call from the then Chief of Staff, Air Vice Marshal Oliver Ranasinghe, instructing him to fly a Bell 212 to SLAF headquarters grounds Colombo. AVM Ranasinghe promised to pick him up at the SLAF grounds. When Mendis queried from his colleagues who wanted to join him on a special mission, Thilina Kaluarachchi had volunteered (Kaluarachchi, one of the finest pilots produced by the SLAF was killed in an LTTE missile attack/anti-aircraft fire on November 10, 1997 over Kokilai). Having flown to Colombo, Mendis got into Ranasinghe’s official car to be driven for a meeting chaired by General Cyril Ranatunga at the Joint Operations Command (JOC), Flower Road leaving Kaluarachchi on the ground. A much surprised Mendis was told by President Premadasa’s confidant Ranatunga to pick up a group of 13 LTTE cadres from the jungles of Nedunkerni. Among those present at the meeting were AVM Ranasinghe, the then Colonel of the Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI), Colonel Sunil Tennakaoon and a senior police official, Eric Perera.

Mendis was told to fly into Nedunkerni unarmed. Although he had serious reservations, Mendis accepted the challenging task. Having told of the importance of keeping the flight secret, General Ranatunga, explained the ongoing confidence building measures. According to General Ranatunga flying unarmed into LTTE held territory was one such measure. In accordance with the plan, Mendis flew LTTE theoretician Anton Balasingham, a former employee of the British High Commission and his Australian born wife, Adele as well, Eric Perera as well as five journalists to Nedunkerni.

The UK-based Balasinghams arrived in Colombo before from London to finalize arrangements for the first round of talks in Colombo. The Balasinghams were to meet LTTE leaders before a 13-member group joined them for the return journey to Colombo. As one helicopter couldn’t accommodate all, General Ranatunga authorized another Bell 212 captained by the then Flight Lieutenant Gagan Bulathsinghala (Presently Director Operations. Bulathsinghala holds AVM rank) to accompany Mendis. Bulathsinghala, the senior of the two was to fly back the journalists and Eric Perera, whereas the entire LTTE group including the Balasinghams boarded the chopper captained by Mendis.

Mendis recollected an excited Balasingham asking him whether he, too, could smoke inside the chopper during the flight to Nedunkerni. Mendis couldn’t refuse Balasingham as he too was smoking. The two choppers had flown over President Premadasa’s Ambanpola estate before changing direction towards Nedunkerni. Mendis said: "We flew low to prevent detection by any hostile party. We were also aware of the possibility of the Indian army monitoring our flight."

As soon as the two choppers cleared the northern skies, Mendis reported to headquarters the successful completion of the mission. Mendis pointed out that the LTTE group arrived in Colombo carrying arms, ammunition and communication equipment, though the SLAF was deprived of the opportunity at least to carry personal firearms. Having brought the first LTTE group to Colombo in May 1989, Flight Lieutenants, Bulathsinghala and Mendis had to engage in operations against the LTTE just 14 months later. Subsequently, several other pilots of the No 4 helicopter squadron/wing too, were tasked to carry LTTE personnel within operational areas in the Northern and Eastern Provinces as well as between Colombo and Vanni/Palaly.

Preparing for war during peace

Retired Squadron Leader Lasantha Waidyaratna recalled the then SLAF chief, Air Marshal A.W. Fernando (March 1, 1985) emphasizing the need to be vigilant, though the LTTE was talking peace with the government. A. M. Fernando was fearful of the LTTE resuming hostilities, though President Premadasa remained confident about the peace process. Direct talks between the government and the LTTE lasted 14 months. Veteran flier Waidyaratna, who took part in many daring operations during eelam war I (late 1983-June 1987) and eelam war II (June 1990-late 1992), said that regardless of the Indo-Lanka peace accord (July 1987-March 1990) and direct talks between the government and the LTTE (May 1989-June 1990), the LTTE had continued with its training programme. Waidyaratna recollected seeing a group of LTTE cadres engaged in target practicing as he was flying from Palaly to the Karainagar navy base in the Karaitivu Island in the wake of the signing of the Indo Lanka peace accord. Waidyaratna was flying a group of persons sent to Jaffna by the then Mahaweli Minister Gamini Dissanayake on a fact finding mission.

Waidyaratna had seen the LTTE engaged in live firing exercises as he flew back to Palaly after dropping Minister Dissanayake’s group at Karainagar. Although the Sri Lankan military took up the issue with the Indian army top brass in Jaffna, India ignored Sri Lanka’s concerns. The Indian military realized its folly only after hostilities broke out between them and the LTTE in Jaffna during the second week of October 1987, leading to the launch of ‘Operation Pawan’ on the night of Oct. 10/11 1987. Waidyaratna asserted that the LTTE had never been genuinely interested in making peace. Prabhakaran’s decision to conduct target practising in the Jaffna peninsula immediately after the signing of the Indo-Lanka accord was a glaring  example of the LTTE’s duplicity, he said.

Waidyaratna recalled the SLAF installing a camera on a Cessna 337 fixed wing aircraft at the behest of AM Fernando during the government-LTTE honeymoon from May 1989 to June 1990 to photograph LTTE positions under construction. Although the SLAF lacked state of the art equipment to keep the LTTE under surveillance, the SLAF used available resources to gather photographic evidence of the LTTE build up. Waidyaratna said: "When fighting erupted in June 1990, the SLAF had an understanding about new LTTE positions, though real time intelligence was not available for the services for many more years."

In hindsight, the LTTE had always taken advantage of the failure on the part of the government to take cohesive measures to counter its plans, Waidyaratna asserted. Although some sections of the armed forces resorted to contingency plans, they never had the backing of the political leadership to prepare the forces to meet any eventuality, he said.