Norway departs as Indo-Lanka relations enter a new phase

 SPECIAL REPORT : Part 480

Published

  2023/07/26

Dr. William hands over a copy of 'The Peace Process in Sri Lanka after the Ceasefire Agreement from 2002-2008: Systemic Conflict Transformation and its Application to the Peace Process in Sri Lanka' to Pro. Jayadeva Uyangoda, while Dr. Jehan Perera looks on

By Shamindra Ferdinando

Thilini Kahandawaarachchi, on behalf of the Norwegian Embassy, on July 06, 2023, reminded the media of the closing down of the mission on July 31, 2023. In her capacity as the Senior Political Advisor at the mission, Kahandawaarachchi, stated that with effect from August 1, 2023, the Norwegian Embassy in New Delhi would be responsible for both Sri Lanka and the Maldives. The last email from the mission in Colombo was aptly titled ‘Goodbye from the Norwegian Embassy in Colombo.’

Norway established diplomatic mission here in 1996, ahead of taking up therole as the Chief peace facilitator of the last bid to work out a negotiated settlement with the tacit understanding with New Delhi.

Norway announced its decision to close down its mission here in early September last year. The Norwegian announcement followed the declaration made in April, the same year, by our Foreign Ministry, that Sri Lanka’s mission in Oslo would be closed down. Sri Lanka attributed its decision to the economic crisis.

Norway quit 15 years after Sri Lanka brought the war to a successful conclusion. Sri Lanka sustained a nearly three-year long largest ever combined security forces campaign launched during the highly questionable Norwegian peace effort or pieces effort i.e. the breakup of the country, until a soldier shot elusive Tiger Supremo Velupillai Prabhakaran through his head on the banks of the Nanthikadal lagoon on the morning of May 18, 2009. By then, the LTTE conventional fighting power had been decimated for once and for all.

Contrary to speculation that the LTTE remnant could return to guerilla warfare, it couldn’t stage a comeback. In fact, there hadn’t been a single LTTE hit-and-run attack since the conclusion of the war.

However, the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) that served the interests of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) throughout the conflict and other interested parties, both here and abroad. continues to undermine post-war national reconciliation by demanding accountability on the part of the government alone. But, they are conveniently silent on the culpability of the LTTE for the death and destruction brought about by its terror campaign. Its brutality was such that the US Federal Bureau of Investigation termed it the most ruthless terrorist outfit in the world. So it is laughable for the TNA and some sections of civil society to demand accountability only from the government after having nourished and encouraged the terrorists all along. The TNA, in 2001, recognized the proscribed LTTE as the sole representative of the Tamil speaking people.

The issue of accountability also cannot be dealt with forgetting how India set up an unprecedented terrorism project here. Some believe India did so to get even with our then blindly pro-Western President Junius Richard Jayewrdene whose government mockingly compared Mrs. Bandaranaike and her son Anura with Mrs. Gandhi and her son Sanjay.

Unfortunately, Sri Lanka has pathetically failed to set the record straight. For want of a cohesive political strategy and treacherous attitude of successive governments, the TNA, having supported terrorism, has received the recognition as the chief representative of the Tamil speaking people. Other political parties represented in Parliament and an influential section of the civil society and Western powers have conveniently forgotten their despicable track record. The TNA backed the LTTE war strategy that involved ‘human shields’ on the Vanni east front by remaining silent. The TNA never even once requested the LTTE to stop using innocent Tamil civilians as ‘human shields’ or forcible recruitment of child soldiers from such hapless Tamil families. That is the ugly truth suppressed by all interested parties.

Perhaps against the backdrop of Norway closing down its mission here, the circumstances leading to the eradication of terrorism through military means can be re-examined. Did Sri Lanka make a genuine effort to bring the conflict to an end through peaceful means? Why a negotiated peace couldn’t be achieved regardless of costly foreign interventions? Can these issues be honestly discussed, taking into consideration the efforts made over the years with the focus on peace initiative undertaken during 2002-2008. The collapse of the last questionable effort. spearheaded by Norway, with a deliberate one-sided Ceasefire agreement it got from the then Premier Ranil Wickremesinghe to sign in 2002 with the LTTE without the approval of the then sitting President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga. As it was violated at will by the Tigers from the word go, President Mahinda Rajapaksa had no choice but to launch an all-out war. The LTTE collapsed within three years, so much for their invincibility that was embedded into our psyche at every turn by the West and some sections of the media.

A must-read

Recently launched ‘THE PEACE PROCESS IN SRI LANKA AFTER THE CEASEFIRE AGREEMENT’ (from 2002-2008) by Dr. Joseph Vethamanickam William discussed the failure of the high profile peace efforts over the years leading to the final war. Dr. William is the Chairperson of civil society group National Peace Council (NPC).

The three-year combined security forces campaign for once with a truly dedicated and committed political and military leadership proved that the LTTE couldn’t match the Sri Lankan security forces. Dr. William’s assertion should be examined also taking into consideration ‘Pawns of Peace: Evaluation of Norwegian Peace Efforts in Sri Lanka (1997-2009)’ authored by Gunnar Sorbo, Jonathan Goodhand, Bart Klem, Ada Elisabeth Nissen and Hilde Selbervik and Mark Salter in ‘To End a Civil War; Norway’s Peace Engagement in Sri Lanka.’

Dr. William also underscored the importance of ‘A dove sits on my shoulder’ authored by Dr. Jehan Perera, also a member of the NPC’s Board of Directors.

Therefore, Dr. Perera’s work that focused on the war/conflict during 2007-2008 period, too, should be taken into consideration. Dr. Perera’s book contained his articles to the Daily Mirror beginning with one published on January 01, 2007 (The LTTE was still strong in the Eastern theatre at that time).

The Daily Mirror published the last article included in the book on Sept. 22, 2008. By then the dye was cast.

Having brought the Eastern Province under Government control in July 2007 with the capture of the LTTE’s last holdout in the East, the rocky outcrop known as Toppigala, the LTTE was retreating on multiple fronts.

Having perused Dr. William’s book which Dr. Perera said was the result of work over a period of over 10 years, it would however be pertinent to say that the author never really scrutinized the LTTE’s mentality. Their blood thirsty mindset underwent a major transformation for the worse after the Premadasa Administration told the Indian military mission here (July 1987-March 1990) to pack up and go. The LTTE manipulated the then President Ranasinghe Premadasa to get the Indian Army out of Sri Lanka after also getting truckloads of weapons from that foolish administration, that paved the way for the resumption of war in June 1990 is nothing but a masterstroke on the part of the Tiger lobby.

Within just weeks after the resumption of the war, the LTTE cut off the overland supply route to Jaffna. The LTTE could have overwhelmed the Jaffna based troops if not for heroic efforts by the Navy and Air Force to ensure their supplies.

The LTTE never believed in a negotiated settlement. On and off negotiations were cleverly used to rebuild their strength eroded due to battlefield losses and to secure an environment conducive for external interventions. Unfortunately, those who engaged in negotiations, egged on by the well-funded peace lobby, foolishly believed the LTTE could be satisfied through a political settlement. In other words, Dr. William, having engaged in peacebuilding efforts here for over a period of three decades, should have realized that the LTTE wouldn’t have accepted a negotiated agreement as long as it believed in its invincibility promoted by the West.

In fact, the LTTE fashioned the overall political developments/situations to achieve its objectives. There cannot be a better example than facilitating Mahinda Rajapaksa’s narrow victory at the 2010 presidential election by depriving Ranil Wickremesinghe of the Northern Province vote, which otherwise was a certainty for the UNP if the LTTE had not forbade the northern voters to cast their vote to the grand old party. Those who have alleged the Rajapaksas bribed the LTTE to order Tamils not to exercise their franchise should explain whether they really believed the late Velupillai Prabhakaran could have been compelled to deviate from his strategy by any means. Perhaps the TNA, which announced the 2010 presidential polls boycott on behalf of the LTTE, should at least now set the record straight after having been a partner in that crime as well. If not for the LTTE-TNA intervention, Ranil Wickremesinghe could have easily won the 2010 presidential poll. The difference between the winner and the loser was less than 200,000 votes.

Let me stress that the LTTE ensured Mahinda Rajapaksa’s triumph as it believed the new leader could be easily overwhelmed. The LTTE resumed devastating attacks just weeks after Mahinda Rajapaksa’s victory.

Misspent funds

The German Catholic Bishops’ Organization for Development Cooperation aka Misereor has funded Dr. William’s project. Why on earth German Catholic Bishops want to fund a book project on a failed peace process? The Catholic Church therein must have its reasons. However, Dr. William’s work gave a clear insight into the NPC’s thinking. Perhaps, the NPC unwittingly played into the hands of the LTTE. How could they have workshops funded by various interested parties, inter-religious campaigns and visits of journalists to the Jaffna peninsula with the approval of the LTTE facilitated the peace process. In fact, the LTTE exercised control over all NGOs and INGOs regardless of their status and level of involvement. In hindsight, those who funded NGO projects squandered quite a significant amount of funds on questionable ventures. What did they really expect to achieve by organizing groups of lawmakers to visit various countries? They couldn’t have been unaware that members of Parliament were not in a position to influence the LTTE at all.

Dr. William dealt with a costly project undertaken by the NPC in collaboration with International Alert to educate parliamentarians on conflict resolution in countries affected by similar situations. Of course, there is no doubt those picked by the NPC and International Alert thoroughly enjoyed all expenses paid foreign jaunts, though such visits never made an impact on the LTTE. The group remained hell-bent on achieving its aims through military means.

According to the author, altogether 29 MPs representing nearly a dozen political parties visited Crete, where they met those engaged in the negotiating process in South Africa, Northern Ireland and the southern Philippines island of Mindanao. The issuance of a statement by the parliamentarians requesting for talks with the LTTE had been the highlight of their post-foreign visits activities. There had been two other tours arranged by the NPC to Mindanao and Chittagong Hill Tracts in Bangladesh. Dr. William referred to what he called a significant shift in the peace process in the wake of PA-UNP discussion on a bi-partisan approach towards the conflict. But, the LTTE never took these initiatives seriously. They pursued a one track spectacular military strategy.

By the time Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga reign came to an end in Nov 2005, the LTTE was in command of the Northern region. The UNP’s utterly irresponsible entry into a Ceasefire Agreement with the LTTE in Feb. 2002 caused rapid deterioration of the security situation in the then amalgamated Northern and Eastern Provinces. The LTTE helped Mahinda Rajapaksa to win the presidential election believing the two provinces could be plunged into crisis along with the rest of the country with its well-entrenched sleeper cells in the south of the country. Their strategy was simple. Sharp intensification of violence in the two provinces and selected operations deep in the South.

The stage was set for an all-out war with both parties ready for a fight to a finish in the long drawn out conflict.

Misconceptions

Dr. William quite wrongly has asserted that Mahinda Rajapaksa’s victory at the 2005 presidential poll paved the way for resumption of war. Let me reproduce the line in question verbatim. In abstract, Dr. William stated: “The profound paradigm shift following President Rajapaksa’s coming into power from a liberal peace to a counter insurgency strategy, led to the abrogation of the CFA in 2008 and resumption of war that ended with the military defeat of the LTTE in May 2009.” Nothing can be further from the truth. The whole analysis is unfortunately built on a fallacy.

Dr. William appeared to have conveniently forgotten that the LTTE had been ready for war in August 2005 during Chandriika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga’s presidency. The LTTE wouldn’t have assassinated Foreign Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar at his Bullers Road residence if the group was prepared for the immediate resumption of war. Let me stress that Eelam War IV (the one referred to by Dr. William) resumed in the second week of August 2006 with simultaneous LTTE attacks in the Northern and Eastern theatres. The SLMM (Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission) records prove that the LTTE initiated the offensive.

By 2008, the LTTE was on total retreat with combined security forces turning the heat on multiple fronts, particularly targeting LTTE bases east of Kandy-Jaffna A9 road.

The author has addressed the contentious issue of the Indian intervention in Sri Lanka and the entire range of related issues (Chapter 3) systematically. The 13th Amendment to the Constitution now again under focus is among the issues addressed. However, in Chapter 4, Dr. William has made quite a wrong declaration that Sri Lanka sought the backing of the West to meet the threat posed by Tamil rebels. Under the section titled ‘Regional geopolitical interests (India), Dr. William declared: “In the early 1980s when Sri Lanka under a pro-Western government began to look to the West in its war against the Tamil rebels, India acted quickly by arming and training the Tamils to exert pressure on Colombo.”

The truth is Sri Lanka had to hurriedly seek arms, ammunition and equipment and expand military training in response to the alarming Indian intervention and certainly not the other way around. Sri Lanka wouldn’t have even considered expanding the military if not for the security crisis created by India to meet its own domestic political needs. Actually, the West didn’t provide any tangible support. During the first Eelam war (1983-1987), Sri Lanka primarily received support from China, Pakistan and Israel. That wouldn’t have happened without the approval of Washington but then the equation changed with the collapse of the Soviet Union. In addition to their support, the Channel Islands-based KMS provided training to Sri Lankan personnel with the approval of the British government.

Perhaps Dr. William, who launched his book, hadn’t read one-time India’s High Commissioner to Sri Lanka, J. N. Dixit’s memoirs, ‘Makers of India’s Foreign Policy,’ released in 2004. Dixit set the record straight with regard to the Indian interference which he preferred to call India’s interference during 1980-1990 period as ‘Indian involvement.’

Dixit asserted that the decision to give active support to Sri Lankan Tamil militants could be considered one of the two major foreign policy blunders made by the then Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi. But he strongly defended the Prime Minister’s action, while asserting Gandhi couldn’t have afforded the emergence of Tamil separatism in India by refusing to support the aspirations of Sri Lankan Tamils

[Chapter 6: An Indocentric Practitioner of Realpolitik-Makers of India’s Foreign Policy]. Dixit failed to explain how the Prime Minister hoped to achieve her twin objectives by recruiting, training, arming and deploying thousands of Sri Lankan Tamil youth. India also helped Sri Lankan terrorists establish contact with international terrorist groups.

Indian action caused irrevocable damage to Indo-Lanka relations. The Maldives, too, suffered due to Indian intervention in Sri Lanka. Dixit totally ignored the Maldivian factor, though India couldn’t absolve itself of the responsibility for the coup attempt in the Maldives in Nov. 1988.

A comprehensive study is needed to counter various misconceptions as regards the conflict as well as regional issues caused by Indian intervention.

However, with the return of Ranil Wickremesinghe to power at the expense of Gotabaya Rajapaksa, who comfortably won the last presidential election in Nov. 2019, the stage is set for taking Indo-Lanka relations to the next level. President Wickremesinghe’s recently concluded visit to New Delhi, exactly one year after Parliament picked him as the President to complete the remainder of his predecessor’s term, underscored New Delhi decisiveness in Indo-Lanka matters.

Indo-Lanka relations should be examined freshly taking into consideration the following matters: (1) state of bankruptcy (2) US led ‘Quad’ countries (Australia, Japan and India) response to Sri Lanka’s relationship with China and (3) emergence of China as world power. It would be a grave mistake on Sri Lanka’s part to accept external dictates in fashioning our foreign policy.

LTTE’s Balasingham, Garnier and Western diplomatic missions

 SPECIAL REPORT : Part 479

Published

  2023/07/19

Garnier Francis

Analysis of telephone data revealed that Swiss embassy employee Garnier Banister Francis had been in touch with Chief Inspector Nishantha Silva before the latter left for Switzerland. She had also been in touch with several others. Had she really desired to migrate to Switzerland with her family, the Swiss mission here could have arranged it. They could have left the country without making an issue. Unfortunately, Sri Lanka seems still blind to the machinations of Western powers. That is the undeniable truth. However, the government response to the Swiss accusation can be considered an exception. The then Foreign Secretary Ravinatha Aryasinha and Defence Secretary Kamal Gunaratne on Dec 01, 2019 briefed Swiss Ambassador Hanspeter Mock and the Deputy Chief of Mission. They set the record straight. CCTV footage, Uber taxi and telephone records as well as GSP data proved Mock wrong (Alleged abduction: Swiss Ambassador’s claim not true-gov., The Island, Dec 02, 2019) It wouldn’t be wrong to say that the Swiss Ambassador lied. The issue is whether the local employee misled the Ambassador or she was part of a wider conspiracy.

By Shamindra Ferdinando

There hadn’t been a previous instance of a local employee of a diplomatic mission, based in Colombo, receiving international media attention before Garnier Banister Francis ended up in the New York Times in late Nov., 2019. The British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC), as well as the Indian media, reported the alleged incident, following the New York Times (NYT) exclusive headlined ‘Sri Lanka critics fear a crackdown is underway, and some flee.’

The alleged abduction of a female Swiss Embassy employee, just a week after the swearing in of Gotabaya Rajapaksa as the seventh executive President, rattled the government. Even Anton Stanislaus Balasingham, 68, the late theoretician of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), hadn’t received such prominent media attention during the time he had served the British High Commission, in Colombo, as a translator. Balasingham captured media attention after he received the LTTE recognition as its spokesperson. That was years after he left the BHC, Colombo, and got married to Australian-born Adele, a nurse by profession, in 1978. British passport holder Balasingham passed away at his South London home on Dec. 14.

Francis received wide media coverage after she alleged being abducted by government agents on the evening of November 25, 2019, near St. Bridget’s Convent, sexually assaulted, and questioned regarding Sri Lankans who sought asylum in Switzerland. She claimed to have been abducted by five persons who arrived in a Toyota Corolla car soon after she left the Embassy at No 63, Gregory’s Avenue (Srimath R.G. Senanayake Mawatha), Colombo 07.

Both the UNP and the JVP immediately and blindly found fault with the government. They didn’t even bother to wait for a preliminary inquiry before accepting the Swiss Embassy employee’s claim. The NGO grouping, generally funded by the West, too, wholeheartedly backed her claim.

Maria Abi-Habib and Sameer Yasir reported the abduction in the NYT online edition on Nov. 27, the day the then Swiss Ambassador, in Colombo, complained to the then Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa, at his Wijerama Mawatha residence, about the abduction. They updated the story on Nov. 29, 2019.

By the time the NYT reported the alleged abduction, now admitted in the Colombo High Court as a lie by the accuser, the local police hadn’t been at least aware of the ‘incident.’ But, the Embassy had briefed the New York Times journalists of the incident. They quoted diplomatic officials in Colombo as having said that the men held the Embassy employee for several hours and then, before releasing her, threatened to kill her if she told anyone. For a country like Switzerland that maintains a lily white image, despite getting super wealthy by secretly handling black money, from around the world, under convenient banking secrecy laws, is capable of committing any heinous crime. Remember the country’s banks also stole funds of Jews burnt in Hitler’s gas chambers.

They were further quoted as having claimed the men appeared to be focused on finding information about a Sri Lankan detective who had been investigating President Gotabaya Rajapaksa. NYT refrained from naming the detective.

NYT was referring to Chief Inspector Nishantha Silva of the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) who left for Switzerland with the blessings of the then Swiss Ambassador in Colombo Hanspeter Mock. The investigator with obvious stained hands was accompanied by his wife and three children.

NYT quoted Swiss Foreign Ministry spokesperson Pierre-Alain Eltschinger as having declared: “We can confirm that a local employee of the Embassy was detained against her will on the street and threatened at length by unidentified men in order to force her to disclose Embassy-related information.”

“Switzerland regards this incident as a very serious and unacceptable attack,” he said, adding that the Swiss government was “demanding an immediate and complete investigation into the circumstances surrounding the incident.”

Sri Lanka last week brought the high profile case to a conclusion. Colombo High Court Judge Namal Balalle on Friday (Nov. 14) sentenced Francis to two years RI suspended for five years. She was also ordered to pay Rs. 2 mn as compensation to the government and fined Rs. 5,000. She is now free to join her husband and two children in Switzerland.

Probably the person who should be compensated is former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa whose administration was the target of this wholly staged drama to malign it no sooner he became the President with an overwhelming mandate.

The judgement was delivered four years after the alleged incident. Francis pleaded guilty to charges in open court. Judge Balalle lifted the travel ban imposed on Francis. She was represented by former President of the Bar Association Kalinga Indatissa, PC.

The Bar Association, during Indatissa’s tenure as its President, took offence over the high handed statement issued by the Swiss government on Dec. 30, 2019, as regards the proceedings pending in the Magistrate’s Court of Colombo over the purported abduction of Garnier Francis. The Bar Association issued a strongly worded statement that condemned the Swiss position and their motives. At the Magistrate Court, Upul Kumarapperuma appeared with Sudharshana Gunawardena. Once the case was moved to High Court, Indatissa led the defence team.

Manohara de Silva, PC, strongly criticized the Swiss mission here over the incident. The Island carried two statements issued by the lawyer. The then Chairperson of the HRCSL, Dr. Deepika Udugama, too, in respons to The Island query issued a statement that dealt with the issue. She stressed the need for investigators to have access to the Swiss Embassy employee.

The Swiss Embassy employee’s canard was exposed by our intrepid investigators who wasted no time in perusing CCTV and other evidence before interested parties could have tampered with them.

Swiss salvo

A few days after the alleged incident, the Swiss mission, in Colombo, issued the following statement: “On 25 November 2019, a serious security incident, involving a local employee of the Embassy of Switzerland, in Colombo, occurred. The employee was detained against her will in the street, forced to get into a car, seriously threatened at length by unidentified men and forced in order to disclose Embassy-related information.

Several false pieces of information are circulating in the reporting of this incident. The Swiss Embassy in Colombo is issuing the following clarifications: (1) The Swiss Embassy immediately lodged a formal complaint and is fully cooperating with the Sri Lanka authorities in order to support police investigation and initiate an inquiry over the case, while duly considering the health condition of the victim and her relatives. (2) Due to a deteriorating health condition, the victim is currently not in a state to testify. (3) It has been alleged that the Swiss government rejected a request for the extradition of an employee of the Sri Lankan Criminal Investigation Department (CID) and his family. No such request has been submitted.

Having declared the Embassy was fully cooperating with authorities, Hanspeter Mock accommodated the local employee in the mission till Dec. 8, 2019. She reported to the CID on the afternoon of Dec. 08, 2019, but declined to undergo medical examination in the absence of a female doctor though two female nurses were present (Alleged abduction: Swiss embassy employee makes statement to CID, The Island of December 09, 2019 edition).

It would be pertinent to mention that Ambassador Mock handed over the local employee to the CID after President Gotabaya Rajapaksa rejected his proposal to evacuate the Embassy employee, along with her family, to Switzerland, in an air ambulance, they had managed to fly into BIA well in advance. No less a person than President Rajapaksa told the writer on the night of Nov. 29, 2019, about the Swiss bid (Swiss mystery takes a new turn: Air ambulance to move embassy employee, govt. insists on immigration formalities, The Sunday Island, Dec. 01, 2019 edition). Until then Hanspeter Mock hindered the investigation. While demanding a thorough inquiry, the Swiss Embassy initially declined to reveal the identity of the alleged victim. In hindsight, the Swiss planned to take her out of the country without she being subjected to any form of investigation (Alleged abduction: Swiss embassy denies SL access to employee, with strapline FM asks embassy to follow established procedure to allow smooth probe, The Island, Nov. 29, 2019, edition)

The attempt to evacuate the group (Garnier Francis and her family) was made during President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s two-day visit to New Delhi. At the behest of the President, those who dealt with the Swiss authorities insisted that evacuation could be permitted only if the Embassy employee and her family underwent immigration formalities. Had the government gave in to diplomatic pressure and allowed her to go, the unsubstantiated allegations wouldn’t have been proved false. And the malicious claim against our country would have stuck for good across the world.

Interestingly, the Swiss Embassy statement conveniently failed to name the detective, though the local media identified the officer concerned. In fact, Sri Lanka never sought a clarification from the Swiss Embassy as regards the detective. Actually, it wouldn’t be fair to blame the Swiss Embassy for Sri Lanka’s inept response. Regardless of who held political power, Sri Lanka lacked the political will to face challenges, and external powers enjoyed manipulating the country to their hearts’ content. It would be a grave mistake on our part to blame external elements working through their agents here without taking remedial measures.

Those who planned the propaganda blitz over the Swiss Embassy employee ‘abduction’ case certainly took into consideration a spate of still unsolved cases – the disappearance of 11 youth at the hands of the Navy, mostly in 2007/2008, torturing of Deputy Editor of The Nation, Keith Noyahr, on May 22, 2008, assassination of the founding Editor of The Sunday Leader, Attorney-at-Law, Lasantha Wickrematunga, in the morning of January 08, 2009, on Attidiya Road, near Bakery Junction, attempt on the life of Rivira editor, Upali Tennakoon, on January 23, 2009, at Imbulgoda, Gampaha, abduction and assault on well-known journalist and civil society activist, Poddala Jayantha, on June 1, 2009, near Embuldeniya Junction, in Nugegoda, and disappearance of media personality, Prageeth Ekneligoda, on the eve of the January 26, 2010, presidential poll. Keith Noyahr and Upali Tennakoon secured political asylum overseas.

We are not saying the Rajapaksas were behind all of the above, but they and the succeeding UNP-led Yahapalana administration failed to get to the bottom of any of them.

Need for a wider inquiry

The incumbent Justice Minister Dr. Wijeyadasa Rajapakse, PC, was the first parliamentarian to raise a CID officer taking refuge in Switzerland. In conversation with the writer, the then UNP MP Wijeyadasa Rajapakse explained the responsibility on the part of the Foreign Ministry to seek the extradition of CI de Silva as the relatively junior officer and his family receiving political asylum in Switzerland should be examined against the backdrop of many senior military officers being denied visas. The MP also disclosed how the then senior officer in charge of the CID, DIG Ravi Seneviratne, defended the conduct of CI de Silva when Yahapalana President Maithripala Sirisena summoned the top man for a discussion in late 2018 following a complaint made by him. Lawmaker Wijeyadasa Rajapakse said that he felt the urgent need for President Sirisena’s intervention as the CID was making moves to arrest Admiral Wasantha Karannagoda and Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) Admiral Ravi Wijegunaratne over the abduction of 11 persons and giving protection to Lieutenant Commander Chandana Prasad Hettiarachchi falsely implicated in the abduction cases, respectively (Wijeyadasa reveals powwow between CID Chief and President MS: Govt. urged to seek Nishantha’s extradition, The Island, Nov. 27, 2019)

Police headquarters went to the extent of deliberately calling Lt. Commander Hettiarachchi ‘Navy Sampath’ in a bid to manipulate the case. The Swiss got involved when Lt. Commander G.G. Laksiri, who gave evidence against Admiral Wijegunaratne, was granted political asylum to the Volunteer Naval Force officer. Therefore, Laksiri had secured Swiss protection much before CI Silva and attempts to depict the detective as the first man from the security sector to do so are not fair.

Then there was the case of Lt. Commander Welagedara who secured political asylum in Australia claiming his life was at risk here. Welagedara migrated to Australia during the Yahapalana administration in spite of Admiral Karannagoda complaining to the then Defence Secretary over accusations made by the officer. The then President’s Office intervened on behalf of Welagedara who skipped a Tri-Services Board of Inquiry scheduled to begin hearings on January 07, 2017.

Other cases

Sri Lanka lacked political will to counter those who propagated lies in a deliberate attempt to tarnish the country’s image.

One-time Northern Province Chief Minister and ex-SC judge C.V. Wigneswaran (member of the current Parliament) couldn’t stomach the LTTE’s defeat. In August 2016, Wigneswaran accused the military of killing over 100 LTTE combatants, in custody, by poisoning them. The PTI and NDTV were among international media which reported unsubstantiated allegations.

Wigneswaran placed the number of such deaths at 104. Accusations were made while the U.S. Pacific Command’s ‘Pacific Angel’ exercise was underway in the Jaffna peninsula. Obviously, the politician took advantage of the US exercise to propagate war crimes accusations.

Wigneswaran boldly declared that the U.S. Air Force medical team, in Jaffna, could examine the former rehabilitated LTTE cadres, who, he alleged, had fallen sick because they were injected with poisonous substances at government detention centres. The government never bothered to seek an explanation from Wigneswaran.

The then State Defence Minister Ruwan Wijewardene and Health Minister Dr. Rajitha Senaratne dismissed the vicious accusations. Wijewardene offered the international community access to rehabilitation facilities. What the Ministers didn’t realize was that by Aug. 2018, the vast majority of ex-LTTE combatants had been released.

The US conveniently refrained from making its position clear on Wigneswaran’s claim when the writer raised the issue with the US Embassy in Colombo. There had never been such a claim before TNA’s Wigneswaran sought to humiliate Sri Lanka. It would be pertinent to mention that one-time LTTE subordinate, the TNA, backed common candidate Maithripala Sirisena at the 2015 presidential poll, having earlier supported Gen. Sarath Fonseka at the previous presidential poll.

On both occasions, the TNA delivered all northern and eastern electoral districts to Fonseka and Sirisena, who contested on the New Democratic Front (NDF) ticket with the ‘Swan’ as its symbol. The TNA did the same for Sajith Premadasa in the North and the East at the last presidential election, though the South overwhelmingly defeated the UNPer as was the case with Fonseka previously at the 2010 presidential poll.

Unfortunately Gotabaya Rajapaksa, who had been elected with a staggering 6.9 mn votes could not overcome the overwhelming economic-political-social crisis that was created by his predecessors while he, too, took some short-sighted disastrous decisions possibly on wrong advice.

The Swiss project against President Gotabaya Rajapaksa should be examined taking into consideration accusations made at a media briefing chaired by Dr. Rajitha Senaratne a week before the Nov. 16, 2019 presidential election. The briefing was held in support of UNP presidential candidate Sajith Premadasa.

The SLPP presidential candidate was accused of ordering the killing of people and throwing their bodies into a crocodile-infested tank in the Moneragala district during his tenure as the Defence Secretary. At the same media briefing, the Mahinda Rajapaksa government was also accused of secretly moving 700 tonnes of gold from the North during and after the conclusion of the war.

When the lie backfired, the UNP called a media briefing at Sirikotha on Dec. 26, 2019. in support of Dr. Senaratne who was in hiding. Guess who was there to defend Dr. Senaratne? TNA heavyweight M.A. Sumanthiran, whose party, in 2001, declared the LTTE as the sole representative of the Tamil-speaking people. A few hours after the briefing, Dr. Senaratne, who arrived at Lanka Hospital, Narahenpita, got himself admitted. That case is pending in the Colombo High Court.

How an explosive mix of domestic and int’l factors caused GR’s downfall

 SPECIAL REPORT : Part 478

Published

  2023/07/12

Sena Thoradeniya handing over a copy of ‘Galle Face Protest: Systems Change or Anarchy? Politics, Religion and Culture in a Time of Terror in Sri Lanka’ to Dr. Gunadasa Amarasekera. Dr. Ven. Madagoda Abetissa looks on. International Affairs and political commentator Mohan Samaranayake is seated extreme left.

Through the eyes of Sena Thoradeniya:

Sena Thoradeniya discussed successful US operations here taking into similar interventions in the past and present. The examination of the Egyptian and Iranian scenarios is surely useful. Those genuinely concerned about what went wrong for Gotabaya Rajapaksa, who didn’t really receive the backing of any section of the international community. The way China responded to the organic fertiliser fiasco and corruption accusations, related to both fertiliser imports from China and then India, underscored the overwhelming challenges faced by Gotabaya Rajapaksa, who could have fared much better if those around him served the country honestly. Thoradeniya also made reference to the President’s failure to deal with those responsible for the Areoflot fiasco that undermined Sri Lanka’s relations with Moscow and also exposed the Bar Association. Gotabaya Rajapaksa certainly was a star crossed politician during his tenure as the President.

By Shamindra Ferdinando

National Literary Awards Winner Sena Thoradeniya’s ‘Galle Face Protest: Systems Change or Anarchy?

Politics, Religion and Culture in a Time of Terror in Sri Lanka’ meticulously dealt a toxic combination of external and domestic factors in the overthrowing of President Gotabaya Rajapaksa in July last year.

The political analyst launched the 286-page book with the patronage of Federation of National Organizations (FNO) and Global Sri Lanka Forum (GSLF), at the National Library and Documentation Services Board, Independence Squarem on 05 July. The event marked a few days short of the first anniversary of President Rajapaksa’s ouster, without doubt a watershed moment.

Unfortunately, the occasion didn’t receive the media attention it deserved. The author in his 40-minute thought-provoking address humbly acknowledged the absence of the anticipated crowd.

Thoradeniya who had visited Pangiriwatte, Mirihana, at the onset of the high-profile campaign against the then President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, on 31 March, 2022, addressed the entire gamut of issues, with the focus on the US role and the significant complicity of India in the whole plot.

This was despite New Delhi knowing how Washington plotted to break it up since its independence, especially by using Pakistan as a proxy. The obvious change of heart came with the collapse of the Soviet Union and Washington’s illegitimate child, Israel, living in a sea of enemies, needing some solid anchor, like India with a population to more than match its hostile Arabs. London that created the chaotic problem without solving the Palestine issue when it set up the state of Israel from the lands the Palestinians had lived on from time immemorial, by fiat, naturally cheers on whatever the US does to protect its creation.

We must never forget the fact that London is also responsible for the divisive situation here because of its divide and rule principle with which it governed during the colonial era which has been thoroughly recorded by many writers of repute.

Perhaps PM Modi’s crony capitalists swung that country to toe the Washington line on Sri Lanka hook line and sinker.

Their interventions here should be scrutinized, taking into consideration the overall Quad strategy meant to counter China and the special and longstanding relationship the People’s Republic had with the Rajapaksas.

One-time Foreign Secretary and ex-National Security Advisor Shivshankar Menon in his much appreciated ‘Choices: Inside the Making of Indian Foreign Policy,’ launched in late 2016, explained how Sri Lanka-China relations influenced New Delhi.

Those who have already read National Freedom Front (NFF) leader and parliamentarian Wimal Weerawansa’s ‘09: Sangawunu Kathawa’ would find Thoradeniya’s narrative quite engrossing.

Weerawansa released his 135-page book at a much bigger event held at the Sri Lanka Foundation in late April. The 25 April event attracted a much bigger crowd. However, Thoradeniya’s work would help the discerning readers to comprehend no holds barred foreign funded political project that mercilessly exploited an utterly inept (when it came to wily politics), innocent and decent President.

The declaration of bankruptcy by the country on 13 April, 2022, during Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s presidency, underscored the responsibility on the part of all administrations, beginning 2005. Surprisingly, Ranil Wickremesinghe who couldn’t absolve himself of culpability as his administration borrowed over USD 12.5 bn in ISBs (International Sovereign Bonds) at high interest rates during the 2015-2019 period, without having shown what he did with that money, and the USD 1.2 billion received from China for the Hambantota Port lease, clearly precipitating the Gotabaya administration going bankrupt, ended up as the President.

Therefore, it would be a grave mistake to blame it all on Gotabaya Rajapaksa, who invited Wickremesinghe to receive the premiership on 11 May, 2022, regardless of his direct involvement in the protest campaign. The SLPP went a step further. The ruling party elected Wickremesinghe as the President on 20 July, 2022. Thoradeniya discussed Wickremesinghe’s role and the overall UNP strategy, leading to the ouster of an elected President. Perhaps those who haven’t read ‘09: Sangawuna Kathawa’ so far should do so.

Thoradeniya dealt with Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s murky citizenship issue. The author speculated about Gotabaya Rajapaksa being allowed to renounce US citizenship, regardless of a pending court case. As Thoradeniya asserted, did the US pave the way for Gotabaya Rajapaksa to enter the presidential fray, believing that a partnership beneficial to both parties could be worked out in case he won the Nov. 2019 contest? The author has erroneously said that two civil society activists moved the Supreme Court over Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s citizenship case, whereas it was the Court of Appeal. An appeal filed in the Supreme Court on Nov. 13, 2019 against the Court of Appeal judgment was dismissed.

However, Thoradeniya’s effort shouldn’t be compared, under any circumstances, with that of Weerawansa, who served the Cabinet-of-Ministers and, therefore, couldn’t absolve himself of the utterly irresponsible way the Rajapaksas handled the economy. Those who exercised executive power as members of the Cabinet should be held accountable for the ruination of the national economy, regardless of their current position. There shouldn’t be any exceptions. Thoradeniya, in his own way, explained how a costly US project exploited Sri Lanka, at every level, while inept political leadership looked the other way.

How GR facilitated Opp. strategy

Sena Thoradeniya

Thoradeniya discussed how, at the very beginning of his five-year term Western powers made a despicable bid to undermine his government. Switzerland warned Sri Lanka that its reputation, as a constitutional state, was at stake after police arrested local employee Garnier Bannister Francis (former Siriyalatha Perera) for falsely claiming that she was abducted and sexually harassed by government agents on 25 Nov, 2019, the day after the Swiss mission in Colombo facilitated CID investigator Inspector Nishantha Silva’s departure, under controversial circumstances. The officer’s wife and children, too, secured protection in Switzerland.

Thoradeniya found fault with the President for failing to address that issue properly. In spite of the police investigation uncovering that the Embassy worker lied, the government never made an attempt to bring the inquiry to a successful conclusion. Thoradeniya questioned why Swiss Ambassador Hanspeter Mock in Colombo at that time was not declared persona non grata. The failure on the part of the government to respond appropriately to Ambassador Mock facilitating a police officer’s departure clandestinely, in addition to staging the abduction drama.

However, President Gotabaya Rajapaksa averted a further escalation of the situation by thwarting Mock’s plan to evacuate the local employee in a special air ambulance along with her family. The attempt was made while Gotabaya Rajapaksa was away in New Delhi, his first overseas visit after swearing in as the President two weeks before. Had the President given into Foreign Ministry mandarins, the Swiss Embassy worker could have reiterated false accusations under Swiss protection with liberal backing of the Western media.

Thoradeniya questioned the failure on the part of the government to demand the extradition of the CID officer Nishantha Silva. Did President Gotabaya Rajapaksa fail to recognize the threat posed by Western block?

The author also briefly discussed how the government totally mismanaged the Geneva challenge after having publicly denounced the controversial resolution, titled ‘Promoting reconciliation, accountability and human rights in Sri Lanka (adopted by the Human Rights Council on 01 October 2015). Thoradeniya raised the contentious issue as to why the government did nothing after declaring in February/March 2020 that it withdrew from the process. Three years after that meaningless declaration, the Geneva witch hunt is on track. The recent declaration made at the ongoing Geneva sessions that Sri Lanka would be subjected to extraterritorial jurisdiction underscored the gravity of the situation.

The operation that forced the President to flee the country in an SLAF Avro after having gone into hiding for a few days should be investigated against the backdrop of a failed Swiss operation.

Unfortunately, the SLPP that fielded Gotabaya Rajapaksa, in spite of still being the ruling party, seems not interested in ascertaining the truth. Sri Lanka needs to examine continuing external interventions at every level and take precautions or prepare to face the consequences. There is irrefutable evidence that the US brazenly intervened in elections here. The US played a significant role at two presidential elections, in January 2010 and January 2015.

Perhaps Thoradeniya should have examined those interventions against the backdrop of the issues at hand. Having categorized the then General Sarath Fonseka as a war criminal along with the Rajapaksa brothers (Wikileaks revelation), the US had no qualms in forcing the Illankai Thamil Arasu Kadchi (ITAK)-led Tamil National Alliance (TNA) to back the war-winning Army Commander’s presidential candidature. Regardless of unsubstantiated war crimes allegations directed at the Sinha Regiment veteran, Fonseka received the backing of the UNP-led coalition that included the TNA and JVP to handsomely win all the predominantly Tamil speaking Northern and Eastern electoral districts. But the US plan went awry as Fonseka lost badly in the rest of the country.

Five years later, the US succeeded. No less a person than the then US Secretary of State John Kerry made the revelation in a 2016 State Department report that a staggering USD 585 mn was spent to ‘restore’ democracy in Nigeria, Burma and Sri Lanka in 2014/2015. Of that staggering amount, how much did the State Department allocate for the Sri Lanka electoral coup? The writer raised this issue with the US Embassy in Colombo years ago though the mission refrained from responding to The Island queries.

Warnings from Parliament ignored

Obviously President Gotabaya Rajapaksa lacked understanding of the parliamentary committee system. Had the President bothered to at least go through the proceedings of three parliamentary watchdog committees, the Committee on Public Enterprises (COPE), Committee on Public Accounts (COPA) and the Committee on Public Finance (COPF), as well as exposure of corruption, he could have intervened.

Unfortunately, those who surrounded the President appeared to have deprived him of an opportunity to know what was going on. Obviously he was surrounded by economic hitmen planted by his own family, some of whom were obviously jealous or feared losing their influence in the government if Gotabaya became a runaway success, especially with his simple living and clear decency.

Thoradeniya quite rightly pointed out how President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s failure to act on shocking revelations made before the House watchdog committees contributed to the overall deterioration of the economy. The Cabinet-of-Ministers, which the President headed, never addressed the real issues. Thoradeniya reminded of the infamous Finance Ministry decision to slash the Rs 50 tax on a kilo of imported sugar to 25 cents on Oct. 13, 2020. The then COPA Chief Anura Priyadarshana Yapa condemned the Finance Ministry decision. The committee agreed that the particular decision didn’t, in any way, provide relief to the consumers.

The author also pointed out how the Sri Lanka Insurance owned Litro gas hired two President’s Counsels to block Auditor General W.P.C. Wickremaratne from examining the accounts of the national gas supplier.

Thoradenya refrained from naming the PCs. However, the writer, on the basis of COPE proceedings, during Charitha Herath’s tenure as COPE Chairman, disclosed that the PCs hired by the then Litro Chairman Anil Koswatte, who left under a cloud, were Romesh de Silva and Sanjiva Jayawardena, the latter a member of the five-member Monetary Board. Jayawardena continues in the Monetary Board. It would be pertinent to mention that de Silva headed the nine-member committee, tasked by the President to formulate a draft Constitution.

Thoradeniya also discussed the fires and explosions related to LPG cylinders, a highly contentious matter that exposed the utterly corrupt system in place for the procurement of gas supplies. Investigations later revealed that the change of composition of gas resulted in unprecedented increase in pressure within the cylinder. The government conveniently turned a blind eye to scandalous revelations made by Litro Chairman Theshara Jayasinghe as to how interested parties manipulated the entire procurement process to their advantage.

The President never had an opportunity to take stock of things. The President was in a mighty hurry or influenced by various interested parties. Thoradeniya pointed out how the signing of the controversial agreement on Yugadanavi power station at midnight on Sept. 17, 2021 caused a debilitating setback to this already troubled government. Unfortunately, only three Ministers, namely Vasudeva Nanayakkara, Wimal Weerawansa and Udaya Gammanpila, had the strength of their convictions to take a stand, regardless of the consequences.

They moved the Supreme Court against the decision. The President’s Media Division (PMD), under the leadership of Kingsley Ratnayake, formerly of Sirasa, launched a counter attack. The PMD’s effort was to back the Yugadanavi deal. The President responded by sacking Ministers Weerawansa and Gammanpila whereas Nanayakkara was left untouched.

Thoradeniya found fault with other SLPP parliamentary group members for failing to stand by Nanayakkara, Weerawansa and Gammanpila. Had they taken a courageous stand over the treacherous Yugadanavi deal, perhaps the President could have been compelled to review his strategies.

Thoradeniya should have referred to former CEB Chairman M.M.C. Ferdinando’s declaration about the then President’s direct involvement in renewable energy deal with India’s Adani Group without following a proper tender process. The scandalous revelation in June 2011 exposed the pathetic way foreign investment projects were handled.

Ferdinando’s subsequent contradiction that the President didn’t pressure him to hand over Mannar and Pooneryn wind power projects to Adani didn’t make the situation better. Against the backdrop of Indian Premier Narendra Modi’s close relationship with the Adani Group over the years, Ferdinando’s declaration that President Gotabaya Rajapaksa was asked by the Indian leader to grant special status to the Adani Group received public attention.

Congress MP Rahul Gandhi was quoted by Indian media as having said that the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)’s cronyism has crossed the Palk Strait.

Contentious role of the Rajapaksa family

Thoradeniya also commented on the impact the Rajapaksa family had on Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s downfall.

Let me reproduce verbatim what the respected author’s comment on the Rajapaksa family. “Was he (Gotabaya Rajapaksa) a captive of his family as many allege? Bringing Basil Rajapaksa, a dual citizen dubbed as ‘Aladin’ with his proverbial magic lamp and giving him the finance portfolio hastened the downfall.”

In recent interviews with the writer, both Communist Party Chairman DEW Gunasekera and Derana media mogul Dilith Jayaweera, roundly condemned the Rajapaksa family for creating an environment that throttled Gotabaya Rajapaksa. Acknowledging the shortcomings on the part of Gotabaya Rajapaksa, both Gunasekera and Jayaweera asserted that harmful foreign interventions were supplemented by the family.

Thoradeniya, too, seems to be of the same opinion.

‘Galle Face Protest: Systems Change or Anarchy? Politics, Religion and Culture in a Time of Terror in Sri Lanka’

is a must read for those genuinely interested in contemporary history. Thoradeniya’s invaluable work shouldn’t be exploited, in any way to promote those who had ruined this country. Thoradeniya, in fact, has indicted both the Rajapaksas and the Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa grouping as he examined essentially post-war developments.

The only issue that the writer finds difficult to agree with Thoradeniya is his comments on His Eminence Malcolm Cardinal Ranjith pertaining to the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage and the role the Catholic Church played in the protest campaign. Acknowledging Thoradeniya’s right to be critical of the Catholic Church, the writer would like to point out that President Gotabaya Rajapaksa certainly didn’t address the issue properly. Knowing very well, some people really believed that he (as SLPP presidential candidate) directly benefited from the Easter Sunday massacre, he appointed a six-member committee to study the Presidential Commission of Inquiry recommendations in this regard. (That committee can be definitely compared with the recently appointed Parliamentary Committee to investigate events/circumstances leading to bankruptcy) The President’s move made a mockery of the whole justice process. It should be emphasized that the Catholic Church openly backed Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s campaign as it quite justifiably believed he would ensure an impartial investigation and bring those responsible before the law. President Rajapaksa offered to make changes to the composition of the committee if the Church wanted. But the Church assured it was satisfied with the commission.

The Rajapaksa government simply ignored the Presidential Commission findings as it didn’t want to upset political relationships. The writer’s comment shouldn’t be construed as the response of a Catholic. The failure to bring those responsible to justice would remain a permanent black mark on all political parties currently represented in Parliament as well as past and present Presidents. Let me remind them again. Nearly 280 men, women and children perished in churches and hotels. Nearly 500 others suffered injuries and some of them were maimed for life. Interestingly, in the Easter Sunday case, not only some interest parties here, even the Geneva Human Rights Commission, in a way, took a considerate view of Hejaaz Hisbullah arrested in connection with his alleged involvement with those involved in the Easter Sunday killings. The worst single post-war carnage must be investigated and any effort to downplay it condemned.