A contentious military appointment in the run-up to 2019 prez poll

SPECIAL REPORT : Part 285

August 27, 2019, 8:41 pm 

By Shamindra Ferdinando

Executive Director of the National Peace Council (NPC), Dr. Jehan Perera, was quite adamant that Army Chief of Staff, Maj. Gen. Shavendra Silva, in spite of being next in line for the top post, shouldn’t have been appointed the Commander of the Army.

The government should have been mindful of the grave consequences of such an appointment, Dr. Perera declared, asserting that the government couldn’t afford to accommodate Shavendra Silva at the expense of the country.

 Dr. Perera was responding to ‘Get Real’ anchor Mahieash Johnney, in the latest edition of the programme, aired on Derana 24X7, on August 26.

Shavendra Silva succeeded Lt. Gen. Mahesh Senanayake, who retired on Aug. 18, 2019, having served in that capacity, since June 27, 2017. Senanayake received the appointment in spite of being away overseas for several years. Gajaba veteran Shavendra Silva is the only General Officer Commanding (GoC) of a fighting Division engaged in the Eelam War IV (Aug 2006-May 2009) to receive the top post after the end of the conflict.

 Dr. Perera, who had accompanied the then Foreign Minister Mangala Samaraweera-led delegation to the 34th session of the Geneva-based United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC), in March 2017, faulted President Maithripala Sirisena for what he depicted as a reckless decision.

 Acknowledging the spearheading role played by Shavendra Silva on the Vanni front, Dr. Perera reiterated war crimes allegations directed at the then GoC of the much celebrated 58 Division. At the onset of the offensive, the formation was called Task Force I. TF I launched operations on the Mannar front, in Sept 2007, several months after the newly raised 57 Division began offensive action meant to capture Madhu. TF I/58 Division fought its way northwards, brought Pooneryn under its control, in Nov 2008, and then turned eastwards, secured Paranthan on the Kandy-Jaffna A 9 road, in late Dec 20, 2008, and swiftly evicted the LTTE from Elephant Pass and Kilinochchi. The 58 Division captured Kilinochchi north, whereas the 57 brought the other part under government control. Subsequently, the 58 Division fought its way across Vanni east, played, significant role in the Anandakulam double encirclement of powerful LTTE fighting force, along with the 53 Division, before the last phase of the operations. However, Vijayaba Infantry Regiment (VIR), attached to the 53 Division, killed Velupillai Prabhakaran, on the banks of the Nanthikadal lagoon, on the morning of May 19, 2009.

 The top NPC spokesman accused the war-winning government of trying to deceive the world by propagating a ‘zero’ casualty policy. Dr. Perera said that as the Rajapaksa government provided different casualty figures it should accept responsibility for the current situation.

Johnney’s probing questions, at one point prompted Dr. Perera to speak of possible US/international sanctions in the wake of Shavendra Silva’s appointment. A section of the NGO community criticized his appointment as the Chief of Staff, in early January this year. South African NGO guru, Yasmin Zooka, a member of the UN Secretary General’s controversial Panel of Experts (PoE) on Accountability in Sri Lanka, spearheaded the January 2019 campaign against the officer.

Johnney focused on the statements issued by the US and the Delegation of the European Union (EU), in Colombo, in agreement with the embassies of Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, Canada, Norway and Switzerland and the UK High Commission. The UNHRC, too, condemned Sri Lanka over the appointment.

The writer, being the other guest on the programme, pointed out that the US had no qualms in backing war-winning Army Commander, the then Gen. Sarath Fonseka’s candidature at the 2010 January presidential election. While recollecting as to how the US advised the Illankai Thamil Arasu Kadchi (ITAK) led Tamil National Alliance (TNA) to vote for Gen. Fonseka, the writer emphasized that the Western powers continued to condemn the Sri Lankan military on the basis of the much-touted unsubstantiated war crimes accusations. Identities of those who provided information to the PoE remained classified. None of them mystery accusers had been cross-examined, in any court of law or independent investigative mechanism yet.

The absurdity in condemning a Division Commander after having backed his superior officer for the Office of the President was repeatedly stressed.

There had never been specific accusations directed against Shavendra Silva though a section of the international community blindly humiliated the Sri Lankan military on the basis of unproved accusations as if on a vendetta for defeating the "world’s most ruthless terrorist organisations", which they repeatedly touted over the years as being undefeatable by the Sri Lankan security forces. The so-called international community even tried to throw a lifeline to cornered Tigers during the last phase of fighting and literally twisted the arm of then Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapaksa to halt military operations to allow a Western backed flotilla to rescue beleaguered LTTE by sea.

 Senior officers, including Sarath Fonseka, were routinely denied visa (both official and private visits). Senior officers, including Shavendra Silva, were also deprived of prestigious courses since the end of the war. Overseas deployment of Army contingents, under UN command, too, was badly affected as a result of unsubstantiated allegations. The Army is still struggling to overcome punitive restrictions imposed by a biased UN system.

‘White flag’ killings

Dr. Perera was also reminded how, over two years after the conclusion of the war, the then US defense attaché, in Colombo, Lt. Col. Lawrence Smith contradicted war crime accusations, including the much advertised battlefield executions, dubbed ‘white flag’ killings. The US official denied the very basis of the anti-Sri Lanka project in the presence of senior military representatives from several dozen countries.

‘White flag killings’ accusations were made by no less a person than Sarath Fonseka himself in the run-up to the 2010 presidential election. Having accused Fonseka of operating death squads, The Sunday Leader threw its weight behind common candidate Sarath Fonseka. The then editor of The Sunday Leader, Frederica Jansz, carried an exclusive interview with Fonseka, headlined "Gota Ordered Them to Be Shot" – Genaral Sarath Fonseka" on December 13, 2009.

Many an eyebrow was raised when Fonseka joined hands with the UNP, a party that constantly undermined the war effort and personally insulted and ridiculed Sarath Fonseka and his Army. The 2019 presidential aspirant, Lakshman Kiriella, declared any donkey could wage a war, whereas Ranil Wickremesinghe downplayed the capturing of Thoppigala. UNP Assistant Leader Ravi Karunanayake ridiculed the Army.

The writer sought an explanation from Dr. Perera as to why those who pursued high profile war crimes investigation on the basis of the PoE report, released in 2011 March, and a follow-up inquiry, supervised by one-time Amnesty official Sandra Beidas, never bothered to examine revelations favourable to Sri Lanka. A still confidential UN report, that placed the number of deaths due to conflict in the Vanni, from August 2008 to May 13, 2009, at 7,721, and Lord Naseby’s disclosures in House of Lords, in 2017 Oct, were cited by the writer. The Conservative politician efficiently challenged the primary accusation as regards the massacre of over 40,000 civilians on the Vanni east front and he said the military never deliberately targeted the civilian population.

The so called civil society, well-funded by Western powers, and other interested groups and the UN, never re-examined allegations, following Nasebys’ revelations. The writer raised this issue with the British High Commission in Colombo on several occasions.

The new Army Chief’s predicament should be examined against the backdrop of the failure on the part of successive governments and the current dispensation, betraying the war-winning military, by co-sponsoring a resolution in Oct 2015.

The government owed an explanation as to why Lord Naseby’s revelations, based on wartime dispatches from the British High Commission, in Colombo, were never taken up properly though reference was made to the same by Foreign Minister, Tilak Marapana, PC, at the last Geneva sessions.

 The war-winning Rajapaksa administration too foolishly played politics with the accountability issue. The previous government was constantly on the denial mode. The government never realized though it had repeatedly rejected allegations, including the main accusation that as many as 40,000 civilians perished on the Vanni east front, the UN accepted them. In fact, the Vanni massacre is the main accusation among five allegations contained in the executive summary of the PoE report. Let me reproduce the relevant section verbatim (point number 137 in the report): "In the limited surveys that have been carried out in the aftermath of the conflict, the percentage of people reporting dead relatives is high. A number of credible sources have estimated that could have been as many as 40,000 civilian deaths. Two years after the end of the war, there is still no reliable figure for civilian deaths, but multiple sources of information indicate that a range of up to 40,000 civilian deaths cannot be ruled out at this stage. Only a proper investigation can lead to the identification of all of the victims and to the formulation of an accurate figure for the total number of civilian deaths."

The writer pointed out that during the ‘Get Real’ discussion, as to how the UN deliberately deprived a proper examination of allegations by way of a confidential clause.

The panel recommended that the identities of those who had provided information to the PoE shouldn’t be revealed for 20 years, since the day of the releasing of the report. Even after that, the releasing of such information is subject to declassification review, the UN ruled.

Nothing can be as important as establishing the number of dead in the wake of various persons/organizations making varying wild claims as regards the loss of civilian life. It is of equal importance to establish the period, now called the final phase. Does the final phase consist of the last three days, five days, final two weeks or January 1 to May 19, 2009?

Vastly contradictory casualty figures

British Labour Party MP, Siobhan McDonagh (Mitcham and Morden-Labour), told the House of Commons, in September 2011, that 60,000 LTTE cadres and 40,000 Tamil civilians perished during January-May 2009 at the hands of the Sri Lankan military. She is the only person to make a specific reference at that time regarding the number of LTTE cadres killed during that period. Obviously, the British MP categorized the January-May 2009 period as the final phase of the conflict. The British High Commission declined to respond to a query from the writer regarding the MP’s claim. The MP didn’t even respond to The Island query regarding the same.

In September 2011, the London headquartered Amnesty International, in a special report, titled ‘When will they get justice?’: Failures of Sri Lanka’s Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission’, placed the number of civilian deaths at 10,000. "Amnesty International’s conclusions, derived independently from eye witnesses testimony and information from aid workers, are that about 10,000 civilians were killed; that the LTTE used civilians as human shields and conscripted child soldiers; that the Sri Lankan army shelled areas it knew were densely populated by civilians; and that people trapped by fighting suffered severe and avoidable deprivation of food and medical care."

The government failed at least to point out the discrepancy in various figures quoted by the UN panel and Channel 4 News (40,000 civilians), MP Siobhan McDonagh (40,000 civilians and 60,000 LTTE cadres) and Amnesty International (10,000), all during 2011.

Instead, the previous government hired expensive foreign PR firms which did nothing to counter the lies. Tax payers’ money was squandered on foolish projects without undertaking a cohesive examination of all facts to pave the way for a robust defense. The possibility of those who had been in power receiving financial benefits through these PR deals cannot be ruled out. The writer is quite surprised that the yahapalana leaders never made an effort to investigate corruption in the above-mentioned transactions, running into millions of USD.

Sri Lanka paid a huge price for neglecting its responsibilities. There had never been a proper study, at least, of specific accusations directed by the PoE. In its executive summary, the PoE alleged that tens of thousands lost their lives, from January to May 2009, many of whom died anonymously in the carnage of the final few days. The panel categorized the following as the five main violations committed by President Rajapaksa’s government: (1) killing of civilians due to heavy shelling (2) systematic attacks on hospitals and other civilian targets (3) denial of food, medicine and other essential items to the Vanni population (4) violation of human rights of those who had survived the war, including LTTE cadres and (5) violations committed outside the war zone, including suppression of the media.

The PoE also accused the LTTE of (1) using civilians as a human buffer between its cadres and the advancing Army, (2) killing those attempting to flee the rapidly shrinking area under its control (3) deployment of military equipment in close proximity to civilians (4) deployment of children for combat operations (5) forced labour (6) launching suicide attacks on civilians fleeing the area under its control.

Sri Lanka never exploited Wiki Leaks revelations, and ICRC statements, to defend its armed forces. Army headquarters, too, sat on vital evidence. The rift between the Rajapaksas and Fonseka caused irreparable damage to Sri Lanka’s reputation. With both the SLPP and the UNP seeking the Tamil vote, at the 2019 presidential poll, the accountability issue is certainly going to be a major issue.

Sri Lanka’s lapses enabled Western powers to manipulate the Geneva process to achieve their objectives. They achieved the primary objective - a new Constitution meant to do away with the unitary status of the country ostensibly in the name of achieving post-war national reconciliation.

 The first indication that the US and its allies brazenly manipulated the process, to the advantage of the TNA project, came to light, in June 2011, when Lt. Col. Smith revealed the truth. The Island exclusively reported the US contradiction of UN accusations at the inaugural ‘Colombo Defence Seminar 2011.’ The US disclosure was made in response to a query raised by IPKF veteran Maj. Gen. (retd.) Ashok Mehta from the then Maj. Gen. Shavendra Silva. Army headquarters and the previous political leadership for unknown reasons or through sheer foolishness ignored it. It would be pertinent to reproduce the US official’s statement verbatim.

A wasted opportunity

Much to the disappointment of those who had backed the successful offensive, the military never launched a special project to disapprove unsubstantiated allegations. The Army failed to capitalize on a statement made by the then US Defence Advisor in Colombo, Lt. Col. Smith. It would be pertinent to mention that the comment was made two years after the conclusion of the conflict. The Island dealt exclusively with the revelation made by the senior US military officer (Sri Lanka Defence symposium: Now, US suspects credibility of LTTE surrender offer - The Island, June 3, 2011) The then Army Commander, Lt. Gen. Jagath Jayasuriya, failed to take advantage of the US statement. The External Affairs Ministry never appreciated the US statement. The previous government simply ignored the US statement. Sri Lanka lacked the capacity to pursue the matter to its advantage. There couldn’t have been a better defence for Sri Lanka than a top US representative publicly denouncing propaganda directed at Sri Lanka.

The Defence Attaché intervened after an Indian delegate, Major General (retd) Ashok Mehta, who had served as an IPKF commander during late ‘80s, queried about the alleged surrender moves by LTTE cadres. This is what Lt. Col. Smith had to say in response to Metha’s question, directed at Maj. Gen. Shavendra Silva:

"Hello, may I say something to a couple of questions raised. I’ve been the defence attaché here, at the US Embassy, since June, 2008. Regarding the various versions of events that came out in the final hours, and days, of the conflict – from what I was privileged to hear and to see, the offers to surrender, that I am aware of, seemed to come from the mouthpieces of the LTTE – Nadesan, KP – people who weren’t and never had really demonstrated any control over the leadership, or the combat power of the LTTE.

"So their offers were a bit suspect, anyway, and they tended to vary in content, hour by hour, day by day. I think we need to examine the credibility of those offers before we leap to conclusions that such offers were, in fact, real.

"And I think the same is true for the version of events. It’s not so uncommon in combat operations, in the fog of war, as we all get our reports second, third and fourth hand from various commanders, at various levels, that the stories don’t seem to all quite match up.

"But I can say that the version presented here, so far in this, is what I heard as I was here during that time. And I think I better leave it at that before I get into trouble."

Lt. Col. Smith earned the wrath of the US establishment straight-away. In Washington, no sooner, The Island published his remarks, the State Department disassociated itself with Lt. Col. Smith’s statement. The State Department’s then Deputy Spokesman Mark. C. Toner, was to answer a series of questions. This is how the Question and Answer session went.

QUESTION: I have one on Sri Lanka. The senior Defense Attaché, at the U.S. Mission, in Sri Lanka, went public in the newspapers that he questioned the credibility of surrender offers made by senior LTTE leaders who was the head of the (inaudible) last year. Does this reflect any change in the U.S. position on the war crime victims

TONER: Right. You’re talking about remarks that were made at a conference in Colombo?

QUESTION: Yes. Yeah.

TONER: Well, just to clarify, the U.S. did decline invitations to participate in that conference as either a conference speaker or panelist. My understanding is that the defense attaché was there as an observer and a note taker. His comments reflected his personal opinions. There’s no change in the policy of the United States, and his remarks do not reflect any change in our policy.

QUESTION: So that was a personal opinion?

TONER: Personal opinion. The United States – and just to reiterate that policy – remains deeply concerned by the allegations in the panel of experts report, and we’re committed to seeing a credible accounting of, and accountability for, violations of international human rights law and international humanitarian law. And we believe that the Sri Lankan Government must act quickly and credibly to address these allegations.

QUESTION: Who was the attaché?

TONER: I don’t have his name.

QUESTION: Is he still the attaché? (Laughter.) Was there any discussion?

 TONER: I believe he’s still there, but I’ll try to get an update.

 Shortly thereafter Lt. Col Smith left Colombo Whoever wins the 2019 presidential election, it would be his responsibility to seek a fresh examination of still unproved war crimes accusations

Why GR should be grateful to yahapalana chiefs

SPECIAL REPORT : Part 284

August 20, 2019, 8:02 pm 

Gotabaya and wife, Ayoma at Atamastanaya, Anuradhapura, following his nomination as SLPP prez candidate (pic by Kamal Bogoda)

By Shamindra Ferdinando

Wartime Defence Secretary, Gotabaya Rajapaksa, in early 2016, emerged as the Rajapaksa Camp’s leading presidential election aspirant, thanks to yahapalana grandees causing unprecedented political chaos. The trouble erupted, within the UNP-SLFP coalition, within weeks after the January 08, 2015 presidential election, consequent to the unprecedented treasury bond scam.

The yahapalana leadership, comprising UNP-SLFP chiefs, paved the way for the tough-talking retired Lieutenant Colonel to formally receive SLPP (Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna) nomination on Aug 11, 2019. The yahapalana administration caused so much destruction, turmoil and uncertainty, since the last presidential election, the public cried for a person capable of restoring normalcy.

If not for them, Gotabaya Rajapaksa wouldn’t have got an opportunity to contest the presidency that his older brother Mahinda held twice with distinction,  as he did not waver one bit while the country defeated the most ruthless terrorist outfit, the LTTE, which many a pundit claimed could not be defeated, coupled with an unprecedented worldwide economic crisis of 2008 and unannounced Western sanctions unofficially imposed for defeating the Tigers against the advice of the so-called international community The unofficial sanctions were in the form of delayed IMF credit lines, withdrawal of GSP Plus etc. Against all such odds Rajapaksas somehow carried on with the economy humming in all fronts, till Mahinda decided to go for early elections probably fearing greater sanctions by the West on the basis of unsubstantiated allegations of war crimes.

Yahapalana heads worked overtime to destabilize their own government. Their scandalous conduct allowed the Rajapaksa Camp to make swift headway, in spite of the previous administration, too, being tainted. Although the previous government didn’t rob the Central Bank, it was as corrupt as the yahapalana administration. That is a fact. The previous administration was so corrupt; it blocked the National Audit Bill meant to empower the Auditor General.

Having repeatedly promised transparency and accountability, the UNP caused immense harm to the administration by robbing the Central Bank, on Feb 27, 2015. The unprecedented fraud, involving primary dealer Perpetual Treasuries Limited (PTL), caused irreparable damage to the party. The main suspect, the then Governor of the Central Bank, Arjuna Mahendran, being a Singaporean and a close associate of Premier Ranil Wickremesinghe, made matters worse for the UNP. Unfortunately, the top UNP leadership refused to change its style. President Maithripala Sirisena dissolved parliament, in late June, 2015, to prevent COPE (Committee on Public Enterprises) Chairman DEW Gunasekera from submitting the explosive report on the treasury bond scam to the House. The UNP ignored continuing protests over the treasury bond scam, both in and out of parliament. Those responsible for the Feb 2015 treasury bond scam perpetrated a bigger fraud, in late March 2016. Having saved the UNP from the first COPE report, President Sirisena paved the way for the second fraud, following the August 2015 parliamentary election. President Sirisena owed an explanation as to why he waited till January 2017 to appoint a Presidential Commission of Inquiry.

The yahapalana administration never recovered from the treasury bond scams. The current dispensation also earned the wrath of the vast majority of people by co-sponsoring a resolution against the country, on Oct 01, 2015, at the UNHRC (United Nations Human Rights Council) in Geneva. The Geneva betrayal turned the country against the yahapalana administration. The yahapalana chiefs bent backwards to appease the TNA (Tamil National Alliance), Western powers, the civil society and the foreign-funded Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs). The current dispensation neglected national security to such an extent that a group of Muslim extremists, under the leadership of Zahran Hashim, triggered seven suicide blasts in six locations, in Colombo, Batticaloa and Negombo. The PSC (Parliamentary Select Committee), inquiring into the Easter Sunday attacks, revealed as to how those responsible for the safety and security of the people caused the deaths of nearly 270 perosns and injuries to approximately 500 others. Reportage of the Easter Sunday massacre caused immense damage to the UNP government. Although, the SLFP quit the government, on Oct 26, 2018, the party cannot absolve itself of the responsibility due to its leader President Sirisena being the head of the cabinet, as well as the National Security Council (NSC). The bottom line is that the electorate felt the need for Gotabaya Rajapaksa, because of the prevailing instability. The deployment of armed forces, at schools and churches, countrywide, in the wake of the Easter Sunday attacks, is a grim reminder of uncertainty. The continuing presence of armed forces, on the streets, is nothing but free promotion for Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s candidature.

Gotabaya made his first deliberate move to attract the public, in early 2016. On February 04, 2016, at an informal gathering at his Mirihana home, a decision was made to launch Viyath Maga (The Intellectual Path). Among those present were former President Mahinda Rajapaksa and Dr. Nalaka Godahewa, one-time Chairman of the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC).The Viyath Maga concept was Godahewa’s, who played a pivotal role in the overall project. Those present at Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s home included Prof. Janitha Liyanage, Manouri Unambuwa, Shermila Rajapaksa, Indika Liyanahewage, Damitha Wickremasinghe, Sandamali Fernando, Theshara Jayasinghe, Nivantha Fernando, Devalochana Ranasinghe and former Navy Chief of Staff Rear Admiral Sarath Weerasekera. One-time lawmaker Weerasekera is one of those outspoken officers who played a significant role in naval operations during the conflict.

Gotabaya Rajapaksa launched Eliya (Light) in early Sept 2017 amidst deepening political turmoil. Both Viyath Maga and Eliya attracted professionals, including many high-ranking ex-military personnel. Retired Rear Admiral Mohan Wijewickrema and retired Maj. Gen. G.A. Chandrasiri are two of those seniors who made valuable contribution to Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s project. Pivithuru Hela Urumaya leader and attorney-at-law, Udaya Gammanpila, and National Freedom Party leader, Wimal Weerawansa, threw their full weight behind the project. As the situation rapidly deteriorated, the majority of UPFA lawmakers, aligned with the Joint Opposition (JO), also pledged their support.

The yahapalana grandees, with the support of the UPFA/JO on the advice of President Sirisena, enacted the 19th Amendment to the Constitution. The much publicized 19th Amendment disqualified Mahinda Rajapaksa from entering the presidential fray again by bringing back the two-term limit. The new law also disqualified Gotabaya Rajapaksa on the basis of him being a dual citizen. Gotabaya Rajapaksa renounced his US citizenship, in mid-April 2019.

Basil Rajapaksa, in early Nov 2016, registered the SLPP against the backdrop of SLFP leader Sirisena joining the UNP-led government. One-time External Affairs Minister Prof. G.L. Peiris accepted the challenging task of being the SLPP’s first Chairman, while former State Counsel, attorney-at-law Sagara Kariyawasam, functioned as its Secretary. The SLPP turned the tables on both the UNP and the SLFP at the first election it faced. It became the most powerful political force, less than two years after its inception. Having comfortably won the last Local Government polls, in Feb. 2018, the SLPP named Gotabaya Rajapaksa as its 2019 presidential candidate, whereas the leading UNP candidate, its Deputy Leader Sajith Premadasa, is still struggling to secure nomination. The crisis within the UNP is also helping Gotabaya Rajapaksa, in a big way.

It would be pertinent to mention that as to how Basil Rajapaksa, having secured control of the Sri Lanka Jathika Peramuna (SLJP), re-registered it as Ape Sri Lanka Nidahas Peramuna (ASLNP) in preparation to contest the 2015 general election. Wimal Weerawansa and Vasudeva strongly opposed the move, on the basis the Rajapaksa Camp could sort out problems with President Sirisena. The decision to contest the last general election, in 2015 August, was taken on the basis that problems could be ironed out. But, once that effort went awry, the ASLNP was again registered as the SLPP, on Nov 01, 2016. Kariyawasam’s father, Albert Kariyawasam, served the SLFP as an MP, from 1960 till he lost the Benthara-Elpitiya seat in March 1965. However, he re-entered parliament, in July 1965, having won the by-election for the Benthara-Elpitiya seat, and remained a member of parliament, till 1977. Those astrologers consulted by the leadership of the newest party overwhelmingly approved its name. They were of the view Basil Rajapaksa couldn’t have opted for a better name.

The overall political project achieved success or, in other words, prepared a solid platform for Gotabaya Rajapaksa. In spite of claims that Basil Rajapaksa, too, aspired for the presidency, the former SLFP National Organizer categorically denied plans to renounce his US citizenship.

Gotabaya leaves Army

Those opposed to Gotabaya Rajapaksa seeking Office of the President, attacked him over his early retirement. They depicted him as a deserter. The writer sought an explanation from Gotabaya Rajapaksa, in June 2013, as to why he quit the Army. The Island dealt with the issue in an article titled Ayoma wins the day (The Island, July 01, 2013)

Gotabaya Rajapaksa had been under heavy pressure from his wife, Ayoma to quit the Army for quite some time. With the war taking a turn for the worse, with the departure of the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF), in March 1990, Ayoma wanted to migrate to the United States, where her parents were living. In spite of Gotabaya’s reluctance to quit the Army, Ayoma relentlessly raised the issue with senior officers, particularly the then Brigadier Wijaya Wimalaratne, who was at that time in Colombo.

Ayoma, like the wives of many other officers, had been quite adamant that Gotabaya should leave the SLA to pursue some other career.

Ayoma had stepped up her efforts to convince her soldier husband to leave the Army, following the outbreak of Eelam War II, in June 1990, with devastating attacks on the security forces. The Army faced a heavy defeat in the Jaffna peninsula in the wake of the LTTE making significant battlefield gains, within the first couple of months in the Jaffna and Vanni theatres.

Gotabaya Rajapaksa said: "The LTTE resumed hostilities during the second week of June 1990. During the latter part of 1990, we moved to the married quarters at the Summit Flats. My apartment was situated opposite the residence of Brig. Wimalaratne. Our families were close. During that period, Wimalaratne was attached to the Joint Operations Command. He was one of the most influential officers whose opinion was taken seriously by those in power."

Gotabaya Rajapaksa recollected the then State Minister for Defence ,Minister Ranjan Wijeratne, angrily reacting to a brief front page news item published by The Sunday Island, titled Lt. Col. Gotabaya Rajapaksa to retire. Minister Wijeratne had been furious as he felt Gotabaya’s brother, SLFP Hambantota district MP, Mahinda Rajapaksa, was responsible for the move. Minister Wijeratne had inquired from MP Rajapaksa why he wanted his brother to quit the Army. Mahinda Rajapaksa had denied Minister Wijeratne’s allegations, insisting that he wasn’t in anyway responsible for Gotabaya’s decision.

Brig. Wimalaratne in bid to thwart Ayoma’s plans

Gotabaya Rajapaksa said: "Later, I came to know that it was Brigadier Wimalaratne, who got The Sunday Island to publish the news item. Wimalaratne was reacting to my wife constantly requesting him to release me, as we wanted to migrate to the United States. The Brigadier probably felt that the news item would cause a major scene, leading to government intervention to get me transferred to Colombo. At that time, Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s battalion––The first battalion of the Gajaba Regiment (IGR)––was deployed in the Weli Oya region. Both Minister Wijeratne and Brigadier Wimalaratne went out of their way to prevent me from leaving the Army."

One day, the then Lt. Col. Rajapaksa received a call from Lt. Gen. Wanasinghe directing him to meet Minister Wijeratne, immediately. However, Rajapaksa pointed out that he couldn’t leave for Colombo immediately as his Area Commander, Brigadier Janaka Perera was away. The I GR commander asserted that he couldn’t take the risk of leaving Weli Oya in the absence of his superior officer. Having heard Lt. Col. Rajapaksa’s excuse for not responding to his summons, Minister Wijeratne decided to visit Weli Oya.

Gotabaya Rajapaksa said: "Suddenly, army headquarters alerted me to the arrival of Minister Wijeratne to Weli Oya. I was really surprised. Obviously, Minister Wijeratne felt that my brother was somehow responsible for my decision to quit the Army. Minister Wijeratne flew into Weli Oya. The then Northern Commander, Major General Denzil Kobbekaduwa accompanied Minister Wijeratne. Brigadier Janaka Perera, too, was present at the briefing given to Minister Wijeratne. Having had lunch, Minister Wijeratne wanted to speak to me privately. As he walked out of the premises, I followed him."

Gotabaya Rajapaksa quoted Minister Wijeratne as having told him: "I know you are tired. You have been in the field for a long time. I’ll get the Army Commander to move you out of Weli Oya. Don’t worry; you’ll receive an appointment in Colombo."

In spite of Minister Wijeratne’s offer for a posting away from the operational area, Gotabaya Rajapaksa said that he wanted to serve with his battalion, wherever it was deployed.

At the behest of Minister Wijeratne, army headquarters appointed Lt. Col. Rajapaksa as the Deputy Commandant of the Kotelawala Defence Academy (KDA), in late 1990.

Gotabaya quits SLA

Gotabaya. Rajapaksa was at the Summit flats when he heard a massive blast. The former Defence Secretary said: "The entire area shook. We felt the blast. Soon afterword’s, I heard the target was Minister Wijeratne."

Minister Wijeratne was killed on the morning of March 2, 1991, along with six of his police commando bodyguards. Shortly after Minister Wijeratne’s assassination, Gotabaya Rajapaksa sent in his retirement papers. Army headquarters swiftly endorsed Lt. Col. Rajapaksa’s retirement. Much to Ayoma’s relief, Gotabaya quit the Army on November 1, 1991.

It was the writer who contributed that short piece to The Sunday Island on the basis of information provided by Brig. Wimalaratne. Obviously, it was a psychological operation initiated by Brigadier Wimalaratne to compel Lt. Col. Rajapaksa to remain with the SLA. Although Brigadier Wimalaratne had been successful in prompting Minister Wijeratne to intervene, his assassination changed the ground situation.

Commenting on the events leading to the resumption of hostilities in the wake of the Indian pullout, Gotabaya Rajapaksa said: "Many officers were disgruntled with the situation. Although we felt the then government was wrong and acting in a manner detrimental to the national interests, the security forces were unable to intervene. The military was supposed to act on political directives. Although the LTTE was preparing for war, we did absolutely nothing to discourage them from resuming hostilities. Had we bolstered our military strength, it would have been a powerful deterrent. Unfortunately, the government weakened the military presence in the northern and eastern districts, instead of increasing the strength."

In his inaugural address, on Aug 11, 2019, as the SLPP presidential candidate, Gotabaya Rajapaksa assured he would ensure the security of the State and its people. Gotabaya Rajapaksa vowed that he wouldn’t, under any circumstances, succumb to terrorism and extremism. The former Defence Secretary made no reference to the much-touted slogan in previous presidential elections that the executive presidency would be scrapped. With the country in turmoil and administration in total disarray, abolition of the executive presidency is unlikely to be the priority for Gotabaya Rajapaksa whose style of governance will certainly differ from his predecessors.

Recalling his two decades long military career, as well as his decade long tenure as the Secretary to the Ministry of Defence, Gotabaya declared that he wouldn’t hesitate to go beyond accepted norms to fulfill obligations.

Gotabaya Rajapaksa recalled a letter of commendation received 35 years ago from the then senior most military officer Gen. Cyril Ranatunga referring to him as ‘an officer who takes initiative over and above the normal call of duty.’

The ex-infantry officer said that he had been able to provide strategic guidance and administrative support to wartime President Mahinda Rajapaksa as he always acted out of principle which earned him Gen. Ranatunga’s praise.

The LTTE, obviously, considered Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s strategic thinking a serious threat hence an attempt on his life at the onset of Eelam War IV. Had the LTTE suicide cadres succeeded in their attempts to eliminate the then Army Chief Lt. Gen. Sarath Fonseka and Gotabaya Rajapaksa, on April 25, 2005, and Dec 01, 2006, respectively, the LTTE would have still retained its conventional military power and a key influencing factor in the forthcoming presidential election – the third since Sri Lanka’s triumph over the LTTE, in May 2009.

The UNP fielded Sarath Fonseka, at the2010 January presidential election, to deprive Mahinda Rajapaksa of the advantage of war victory. Fonseka lost by a staggering 1.8 mn votes. The UNP, obviously, miscalculated the electorate. Having underestimated Mahinda Rajapaksa’s strategies, the UNP suffered a major setback, though Fonseka won all the predominately Tamil-speaking electoral districts, including Digamadulla. The TNA backed Fonseka’s candidature to the hilt, counter the main war crimes allegation directed against the Rajapaksa government that it killed over 40,000 civilians on the Vanni east front in 2009.

How Modi exploited Thowheed bombings

SPECIAL REPORT : Part 283

August 13, 2019, 7:13 pm 

Modi has paid tribute to the victims of the Easter attacks in Sri Lanka, visiting St. Anthony’s church targeted by suicide bombers.

By Shamindra Ferdinando

Sri Lanka should examine whether the National Thowheed Jamaat (NTJ) suicide bombing campaign helped India’s ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) to win the recently concluded general election. The NTJ struck amidst India’s staggered general election that began on April11 and continued till May 19.

Did the NTJ operation influence the Indian electorate? Sri Lanka cannot afford not to examine every possibility to prevent the NTJ, or its affiliates, undertaking fresh terror projects. Who is the mastermind behind the devastating attacks which caused irreparable damage to the national economy? In other words, who really provided the wherewithal to the perceived leader of the terror project Zahran Hashim?

The Parliamentary Select Committee (PSC), probing Easter Sunday attacks, didn’t inquire into external factors in the presence of the media. However, the PSC had an opportunity to seek the opinion of those who provided evidence in camera as regards external factors. Perhaps, the PSC never bothered to vigorously inquire into external factors or it lacked the mandate or the capacity to do so.

The PSC consists of its Chairman Ananda Kumarasiri (UNP/Moneragala District), Ravi Karunanayake (UNP/Colombo), Dr. Rajitha Senaratne (UNP/Kalutara), Ashu Marasinghe (UNP National List), Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka (UNP National List), LSSPer Dr. Jayampathy Wickremaratne (UNP National List), M.A. Sumanthiran (TNA/Jaffna District) and Rauff Hakeem (UNP/Kandy District).

The government proscribed the NTJ, on May 13, 2019 - 23 days after the Easter carnage. The Jama’athe Milla’athe Ibrahim (JMI) and the Willayath As Seylani (WAS), were also banned in terms of regulation 75(1) of the emergency regulations.

The NTJ struck between the second and the third phases of the Indian elections. The first phase, conducted on April 11, covered 91 constituencies in 20 States. The second (95 constituencies in 13 States) and the third (117 constituencies in 15 States) were held on April 18 and April 23, respectively. The remaining four phases were held on April 29 (71 constituencies in 09 States), May 06 (51 constituencies in 07 States), May 12 (59 constituencies in 07 States) and May 19 (59 constituencies in 08 States).

Counting began on May 23. Modi scored a resounding win. His triumph plunged his political opponents into crisis.

India provided specific information as regards the impending terror attacks, to Sri Lanka, on April 04, about a week before the first phase. India identified its High Commission, in Colombo, as one of the NTJ targets. During the PSC proceedings, the Commandant of the elite Special Task Force, DIG M.R. Latiff, in response to a query, revealed that he provided security to the Indian High Commission on April 10, consequent to a warning received the previous day.

Latiff is on record as having told the PSC, on July 25, the Indian High Commission appreciated security provided by the STF. Did NTJ refrain from attacking the Indian High Commission due to the deployment of the STF? What was the status of STF security? Did the STF deployment cover India House?

Sri Lanka, in deepening political turmoil, is yet to really inquire into the Easter Sunday operation. Incumbent political leadership and those seeking to regain power, at any cost, seem obviously blind to security threats. The PSC proceedings revealed negligence on the part of the political leadership, law enforcement authorities, intelligence services and the Attorney General’s Department. The PSC proceedings also revealed as to how the Finance Ministry weakened the Central Bank vis-a-vis its regulatory powers in respect of foreign financial transactions. However, so far no effort has been made to inquire into possible external factors. Did the planners of the NTJ operation take into consideration the Indian election?

Further scrutiny is required on the NTJ bomber’s failure to detonate himself in the five-star Taj Samudra, owned by Taj Asia, a joint venture between India’s Tata and Cinnovation, a firm owned by Nepali entrepreneur Binod Chaudhary. The hotel is operated by Taj Resorts.

It would be pertinent to examine the selection of targets - four in Colombo, one in Negombo and one in Batticaloa. The PSC never bothered to probe as to why the NTJ deliberately targeted a church in Batticaloa and the Tamil service at St. Anthony’s Church, Kochchikade. Over 60 Tamils perished in Batticaloa and Kochchikade bombings. Over 100 received injuries. The deliberate targeting of the Sri Lankan Tamil community was even ignored by the largest Tamil coalition led by Illankai Thamil Arasu Kadchi (ITAK). Its spokesman and Jaffna District lawmaker M.A. Sumanthiran, a Christian, went to the extent of justifying the Easter Sunday carnage. President’s Counsel Sumanthiran did so at a public event held on April 29 at the BMICH. Why did the NTJ target both Sinhala and Tamil communities?

Why did the NTJ select a church in Batticaloa, especially against the backdrop of Kattankudy, the focal point in the whole operation, also situated in the Batticaloa district? Interestingly, the original target in Batticaloa had been St. Mary’s Cathedral, a church far bigger than the Zion Church, a little distance away. The bomber triggered the blast at the main entrance to the Zion church after he was prevented from entering the premises by a suspicious devotee, R. Ramesh. Had the bomber reached St. Mary’s Church before the service ended on that fateful day or allowed to enter Zion Church, many more Tamils would have perished.

The blast, inside St. Sebastian Church, claimed the lives of over 100 people. It was the worst of the six blasts because the assassin triggered the blast in the main wing of the church. The writer’s godmother, Nalini de Livera and her husband, Claude, seated on the left side of the front row, survived the blast. One small iron ball, which entered Claude de Livera’s shoulder, didn’t cause serious injury. But, the loss of lives would have been much more if the bomber entered the church before the end of service. At the time of the blast, Chaminda Priyadarshana, a member of the Katana Pradeshiya Sabha, was delivering a vote of thanks at the end of service. The blast took place after a significant number of people left the church.

2019 Indian general election

Narendra Modi was the first foreign leader to condemn the Sri Lanka attacks. The Indian leader condemned the Easter Sunday attacks on the same day - two days before the Islamic State claimed responsibility. However, no less a person than Senior DIG Ravi Seneviratne, the senior officer in charge of the Criminal Investigation Department (CID), declared, before the PSC, that there was no evidence to link Islamic State thereby contradicted the much publicized government claims. Seneviratne appeared before the PSC on July 24.

Addressing an election rally in the Western State of Rajasthan, hours after the serial blasts in Sri Lanka, Narendra Modi played politics with the issue. The media quoted Modi as having said the electorate should give him a second term as only he could beat the terrorists threatening India.

"Should terrorism be finished or not?," he asked. "Who can do this? Can you think of any name aside from Modi? Can anybody else do this?"

"In our neighbouring Sri Lanka, terrorists have played a bloody game. They killed innocent people," Modi said.

At another rally, in Rajasthan, also on Sunday, Modi again mentioned the attacks in Sri Lanka and said that India, too, continues to suffer because of militants.

"India has now ended its policy of getting scared of Pakistan’s threats," Modi said, "‘We have a nuclear button, we have a nuclear button’ they used to say."

"What do we have then?" he said, to cheers from the crowd.

The Easter Sunday carnage certainly influenced a section of the Indian electorate.

Modi directly blamed Muslims for the Sri Lanka attacks.

Having comfortably secured a second term, Modi visited Colombo, on June 09, on his way to the Maldives. President Maithripala Sirisena is on record as having said that he requested Modi to visit in the wake of many countries issuing travel advisories. During his four-hour stop over, Modi visited St. Anthony’s church, where many Tamils perished.

A week after Modi’s visit, Indian High Commissioner Taranjit Sandhu assured the prelates of Malwatte and Asgiriya Chapters India’s commitment to Sri Lanka’s security.

The Indian High Commission issued the following statement, following Sandhu’s visit to Kandy: "High Commissioner of India Taranjit Singh Sandhu paid respects at Sri Dalada Maligawa and received the blessings of the Most Venerable Thibbatuwawe Sri Sumangala Mahanayake Thera of Malwatte Chapter and Most Venerable Warakagoda Sri Gnanarathana Mahanayake Thera of Asgiriya Chapter in Kandy on May 17. 

"High Commissioner conveyed greetings on the auspicious occasion of Vesak to the Most Venerable Mahanayake Theras and recalled the visit of Prime Minister Shri Narendra Modi to Sri Lanka for the International Vesak Day celebration in 2017 and the exposition of the sacred Sarnath Relics in Sri Lanka in 2018.

"High Commissioner also discussed the prevailing security situation with the Most Venerable Mahanayake theras and offered India’s full support to Sri Lanka in dealing with the common threat of Jihadi terrorism.

"Both the Mahanayake Theras deeply appreciated India’s unconditional and strong support for Sri Lanka, including in the security sphere.

"High Commissioner Sandhu also reviewed the progress of the Kandyan Dancing School, being constructed with Government of India’s assistance of around 150 million SLR at the Sri Lanka International Buddhist Academy (SIBA) campus in Pallekele, Kandy."

It would be a grave mistake, on Sri Lanka’s part, to assume Zahran carried out Easter Sunday attacks on his own. Zahran couldn’t have handled the logistics alone. Zahran was used by those who exploited the political chaos in Sri Lanka. In fact, the NTJ operation caused much more harm to the Muslim community, in Sri Lanka, than any other post-independence event.

The NTJ launched its project on Nov 30, 2018 in Vavunativu, Batticaloa, by killing two policemen - a Sinhalese and a Tamil. The NTJ operation got underway at a time President Maithripala Sirisena, backed by Mahinda Rajapaksa, was struggling to take control of parliament in the wake of an unexpected UNP fightback, following the sacking of Premier Ranil Wickremesinghe. Zahran’s bosses definitely took the local political scene into consideration before the launch of their despicable project. Zahran or his NTJ never demanded anything from the government or voiced concerns over their grievances, although his group backed Maithripala Sirisena at the last presidential election in January 2015 and the UNP at the parliamentary election, eight months later. The UNP allowed Zahran a free run in and around Kattankudy. Matara District lawmaker Sagala Ratnayake held the law and order portfolio at that time and was one of those summoned by the PSC. Zahran must have attracted the attention of some interested party, hell-bent on subverting Sri Lanka or causing mayhem here for their own advantage. They had never been short of cash. Of the bombers, two belonged to one of Sri Lanka’s wealthiest families. Who really motivated them? What were they promised in return for blasting themselves into thousand pieces? Sri Lanka introduced suicide bombers to the world in the ‘80s. New Delhi wouldn’t have expected one of the terrorist groups - the LTTE-trained by India, to destabilize Sri Lanka with its formidable suicide squad. The operation was meant to pave the way for the Indian Army to be deployment here. New Delhi deployed troops here in July 1987. India withdrew its Army in March 1990. India finally paid a huge price for its intervention here in the early ‘80s.

Dixit faults Indira Gandhi over

intervention in Lanka

One time Indian High Commissioner in Colombo and National Security Advisor J.N. Dixit, in his memoirs, titled ‘Makers of India’s Foreign Policy,’ launched in 2004, revealed as to why India intervened in Sri Lanka. The writer received a copy of Dixit’s memoirs during a visit organized by the Indian High Commission in Colombo, to New Delhi, in August 2006. Dixit faulted the then Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi in respect of the controversial Indian decision on Sri Lanka. The NTJ, in its first operation, achieved what the LTTE couldn’t during its war against Sri Lanka. The NTJ carried out near simultaneous suicide bombings, in six different locations, with two bombers targeting Shangri-La. Let me reproduce verbatim the relevant section from Dixit memoirs titled ‘An Indocentric Practitioner of Realpolitik’ therein the veteran diplomat praised Gandhi for transforming India from an idealistic player into a force to be reckoned with. But, at the end, Dixit blamed Gandhi in respect of two matters. "The two foreign policy decisions on which she could be faulted are: her ambiguous response to the Russian intrusion into Afghanistan and her giving active support to Sri Lankan Tamil militants. Whatever the criticism of these decisions, it cannot be denied that she took them on the basis of her assessments about India’s national interests. Her logic was that she could not openly alienate the former Soviet Union when India was so dependent on that country for defence supplies and technologies. Similarly, she could not afford the emergence of Tamil separatism, in India, by refusing to support the aspirations of Sri Lankan Tamils. These aspirations were legitimate in the context of nearly 50 years of Sinhalese discrimination against Sri Lankan Tamils. In both cases, her decisions were relevant at the point of time they were taken. History will judge her as a political leader who safeguarded Indian national interests with determination and farsightedness."

That chapter also dealt with as to how India reacted to the then JRJ close ties with the US, Israel and Pakistan in a world dominated by two superpowers - the US and the Soviet Union. China hadn’t been a key factor at that time, though the People’s Republic is now threatening US supremacy. Today, India is firmly in the US Camp, along with Japan, trying to cope up with rapid Chinese expansion. Sri Lanka has become a sort of battleground.

A massive heart attack claimed the life of Dixit, in 2005, a year after the book launch. Sri Lanka never bothered to re-examine Indian intervention here afresh following the shocking admission. Dixit’s revelation challenged the assertion that India intervened here following the July 1983 violence directed against the Tamil community. But what really happened was India provided the required expertise to terrorists to wipe out an army patrol in Jaffna. The Jaffna incident was meant to trigger a Sinhala backlash.

Mahieash Johnney, in his splendid ‘Get Real’ on Derana 24X7 asked guest attorney-at-law Sudarshana Gunawardena as to how Indian Intelligence services knew much more about Zahran’s plot than local agencies. Gunawardena, a former Director General of the Government Information Department, and a media advisor to Premier Wickremesinghe, was asked whether he believed foreign Intelligence Services, including Indian presence here. Gunawardena rejected foreign intelligence services presence here whereas the writer, also a guest on that programme, explained operations undertaken by external powers.

Wijeyadasa’s theory

Former Justice Minister Dr. Wijeyadasa Rajapakse, PC, MP, recently blamed the Easter Sunday attacks on the yahapalana government handing over the strategic Hambantota port to China, in Dec 2017. Lawmaker Rajapakse explained as to how the Chinese move on Hambantota port angered foreign powers, particularly the US. UNP Colombo District MP Rajapakse warned of dire consequences unless the government took appropriate action to rescind the agreement. The lawmaker asserted that the agreement could be revoked on the basis of it being a grave threat to Sri Lanka due to constant external interventions. Rajapakse said so addressing the media at the Sri Lanka Foundation. The President’s Counsel warned those battling China would cause mayhem in Sri Lanka. A section of the Sinhala print and electronic media ignored Rajapakse’s statement. Others didn’t provide sufficient coverage. The statement didn’t receive the attention it really deserved. Those who issue statements at the drop of a hat, and at temples, churches et al, did not bother to comment on the explosive statement. The PSC, too, ignored Rajapakse’s statement though it summoned lawmaker Dayasiri Jayasekera in the wake of him publicly alleging the suicide bomber, tasked to hit Taj Samdura, refrained from doing so due to the presence of some person or persons.

Rajapakse should be asked to substantiate his serious accusations, made against the backdrop of US push for signing of SOFA (Status of Forces Agreement). The US is also seeking to finalize a five-year grant of $ 480 million meant to accelerate economic growth. The US approved the grant four days after the Easter carnage as Sri Lanka was struggling to cope up with mass hysteria. The US wants SOFA to follow ACSA (Acquisition and Cross Servicing Agreement) signed in early August 2017. The inking of the agreement took place with the blessings of President Maithripala Sirisena, who presented it to the cabinet in his capacity as the Defence Minister. The US-Sri Lanka military-to-military partnership should be studied taking into consideration the Japan-Sri Lanka Comprehensive Partnership, inked in Oct 2015, and overall US-Japan-India-Australia coalition taking on China.

The 2019 presidential election in Sri Lanka will be of pivotal importance to power blocs competing for regional and global dominance. The US roles, in 2010 and 2015 presidential elections, in now in the public domain. No less a person than US Secretary of State John Kerry revealed the US funding in support of the common candidate at the 2015 presidential. Wiki Leaks exposed the US role in forming the UNP - led coalition at the 2010 presidential election, also in support of the then common candidate. What would the US do at the 2019 presidential poll as political parties battle it out with the country in deep turmoil due to an unstable parliament?

Thowheed terror fallout: Bathiudeen survives, Police, AG under a cloud

SPECIAL REPORT : Part 282

August 6, 2019, 9:09 pm 

By Shamindra Ferdinando

Thanks to the ongoing Parliamentary Select Committee (PSC) on Easter Sunday attacks, the All Ceylon Makkal Congress (ACMC) leader and Vanni District lawmaker, Rishad Bathiudeen, is no longer under heavy fire over his alleged involvement with the now-proscribed National Thowheed Jamaat (NTJ).

The government proscribed the NTJ on May 13, 2019 - 23 days after the Easter carnage. The Jama’athe Milla’athe Ibrahim (JMI) and the Willayath As Seylani (WAS) were also banned in terms of regulation 75(1) of the emergency regulations.

Bathiudeen held the Industry and Commerce, Resettlement of Protracted Displaced Persons, Co-operative Development, Vocational Training & Skills Development at the time of the April 21, 2019, suicide bombing campaign.

Bathiudeen earned the wrath of the Joint Opposition (JO), a section of the Buddhist clergy, and some civil society groups, after Army Chief, Lt. Gen. Mahesh Senanayake revealed the controversial politician’s intervening, on behalf of a person, arrested by the Army, in connection with the Easter attacks and subsequently handed over to the Terrorist Investigation Division (TID). Had Lt. Gen. Senanayake refrained from exposing Bathiudeen, he wouldn’t have attracted media attention. At one point, Bathiudeen, under fire from opponents, revealed he got in touch with Lt. Gen. Senanayake on the advice of State Defence Minister, Ruwan Wijewardene.

The PSC never bothered to seek confirmation from Bathiudeen as regards Wijewardene’s advice when the beleaguered lawmaker appeared before the parliamentary body, on June 28, 2019.

Bathiudeen identified the arrested person as a son of an advisor to Postal Services and Muslim Religious Affairs Minister M.H.A. Haleem, an UNPer elected from the Kandy district. Baithiudeen, Haleem and seven other Muslims, gave up their ministerial portfolios,on June 03, 2019.

Bathiudeen received the same portfolios on July 29, 2019. Haleem and UNP Chairman Kabir Hashim broke ranks with the group of Muslim colleagues to, once again, accept, on June 19, 2019, the ministerial portfolios they held at the time of the blasts.

 For almost three months, Bathiudeen was flayed over the Easter Sunday attacks. However, shocking revelations, regarding the negligence on the part of the TID, the Attorney General’s Department, as well as the IGP, made before the PSC in the last week of July and the first week of August 2019, diverted the attention from Bathiudeen.

Those who believed the PSC was meant to clear Bathiudeen, through some trickery, and place the blame on President Maithripala Sirisena, were quite surprised by disclosures of negligence on the part of the police and the AG Department.

With pressure being eased, the indomitable politician, last week, launched a propaganda project to counter criticism directed at him. Interestingly, the media never targeted his party. Instead, Bathiudeen was relentlessly lambasted, both in and outside parliament, until what transpired before the PSC, pointed the finger at the TID, the AG Department and the IGP.

The PSC consists of Ananda Kumarasiri (UNP/Moneragala District), Ravi Karunanayake (UNP/Colombo), Dr. Rajitha Senaratne (UNP/Kalutara), Ashu Marasinghe (UNP National List), Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka (UNP National List), LSSPer Dr. Jayampathy Wickremaratne (UNP National List), M.A. Sumanthiran (TNA/Jaffna District) and Rauff Hakeem (UNP/Kandy District).

The PSC, or Catholic Church, or the civil society, never really inquired about as to why the NTJ deliberately targeted the Tamil community. At least 60 Tamils perished and over 100 wounded in suicide attacks directed at Zion Church, in Batticaloa, and the Tamil service conducted at St. Anthony’s Church, Kotahena.

As the TID and the AG Department struggled to cope up with embarrassing disclosures, Bathiudeen went on the offensive. The Illankai Thamil Arasu Kadchi-led Tamil National Alliance (TNA) never condemned the attack on the community. Instead, TNA heavyweight, M.A. Sumanthiran, at an event held at the BMICH, on April 29, 2009, justified the TNJ terror project.

Archbishop of Colombo Malcolm Cardinal Ranjith rejected Sumanthiran’s assertion that the failure on the part of Sri Lanka’s successive governments, to address the grievances of minorities, over the past several decades, had led to the Easter Sunday carnage.

Sumanthiran alleged that the Easter Sunday carnage was a result of Sri Lanka’s failure to ensure certain basic values. President’s Counsel Sumanthiran warned of dire consequences unless the government addressed the grievances of minorities.

Speaker Karu Jayasuriya, who was present on that occasion, had no qualms naming him to the PSC. Dr. Deepika Udagama, Chairperson of the Human Rights Commission, too, was present, in addition to twice President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga. Bathiudeen seems to be on the offensive now. Immediately after resuming his ministerial duties, Bathiudeen launched a scathing attack on Sri Lanka Chamber for not condemning calls to boycott Muslim-owned shops, following the NTJ attacks. His English media outfit, managed by Joseph Thavaraja, reported his comments in a statement headlined ‘Rishad decries Sri Lanka Chamber for keeping mum as racist calls of prejudice erupted nationwide’

The attack on Sri Lanka Chamber was followed by a visit to Mannar where he reassured the Catholic community.

Bathiudeen, on August 01, assured the Bishop of Mannar, Most Reverend Dr. Fidelis Lionel Emmanuel Fernando, and Adikarana Sanganayake of the Northern and Eastern Provinces and Chief Incumbent of Sri Bodhidakshinaramaya, Ven Siyabalagaswewa Vipulasara, of his fullest support to government efforts to eradicate terrorism. The Island coverage of Bathiudeen’s unexpected meeting with the Mannar Bishop prompted Malcolm Cardinal Ranjith to clarify his position with regard to the Easter Sunday carnage.

Malcolm Cardinal Ranjith sent the following statement to The Island in respect of ‘Under fire from Cardinal, Rishad meets Mannar Bishop’ in the August 02, 2019, edition: "I have been intrigued and surprised about the news item appearing on the 1st page and continued on the 4th page of The Island newspaper of Friday, 2nd August 2019. It says: "Under fire from Cardinal, Rishad meets Mannar Bishop" and there is a photo of the Bishop of Mannar greeting Mr. Rishad Bathiudeen. The report further states:"The meeting took place close on the heels of the Archbishop of Colombo, Malcolm Cardinal Ranjith, alleging that those responsible for the heinous crime were still free".

I wish to first of all state that I have never named any particular person as being responsible for the Easter Sunday bomb attack, but have insisted that an independent, impartial and trustworthy inquiry be conducted on this matter and those responsible be exposed. In fact, soon after this attack, a delegation of Muslim Ministers and MPs came to see me and I met Mr. Bathiudeen, who was in this delegation.

So, I think as a responsible newspaper, you should have reported just the fact of Mr. Bathiudeen meeting Bishop Fernando without trying to drag me into the picture. This is to say in the least a mischievous attempt to create an unethical controversy. I think this is against media ethics. I hope this will not happen again and I kindly request you to publish this in your newspaper, giving it the same prominence as the news item, for the sake of truth and, justice."

Bathiudeen’s media team released a report on him meeting with Vavuniya-based Ven Siyabalagaswewa Vipulasara after the media reported the powwow with the Mannar Bishop.

ACMC cleared

Premier Ranil Wickremesinghe, on July 15, 2019, cleared Baithiudeen of complicity in the Easter Sunday attacks. The declaration was made in Kinniya, Trincomalee, on the basis of police reports. Thavaraja interpreted Premier Wickremesinghe statement in a communiqué, titled ‘Sri Lanka clears ACMC leader Rishad.’

The police certainly acted fast, in Bathiudeen’s case, whereas a complaint made against Zahran Hashim, way back in June 2017, was never investigated. The Attorney General Department, under flak over its own lapses as regards the bungled inquiry into the Zahran’s affair, exposed the entire police department before the PSC. The AG Department team, included Deputy Solicitor General Azath Navavi, who was earlier accused of sitting on the Zahran’s file, along with State Counsel Malik Azeez.

Azath Navavi’s father, M H M Navavi, served the parliament as a member of the UNP National List. The politician quit his seat after having served about half of his five-year term. Of course, Navavi didn’t forget to procure a super luxury Toyota Land Cruiser with a tax exemption amounting to Rs 33 mn before giving another party member the opportunity to receive the massive exemption. The UNP accommodated Navavi on its National List on Bathiudeen’s request. Navavi handed over his letter of resignation to the Secretary General of Parliament, Dhammika Dassanayake, on May 23, 2018. It would be pertinent to mention that UNP leader Wickremesinghe accommodated Navavi on the UNP National List after the people of Puttalam rejected him. Navavi is the only defeated UNP candidate to enter through the National List and the second to quit National List. In January, 2018, SLMC member Mohamed Hafeel Mohamed Salman quit to pave the way for his party to appoint another member. Salman, too, acquired a super luxury Land Cruiser, like most of his colleagues. Most politicians, in the current parliament, preferred Toyoya Land Cruiser, a vehicle with good second hand value.

The National List seems to be part of payoffs at the taxpayers’ expense, the vast majority of who are struggling to make ends meet.

Did Navavi and Salman sell their vehicles like their colleagues? Of the 225 members in parliament, the vast majority sold their duty free vehicles. Attorney-at-law Nagananda Kodituwakku made an abortive bid to have the vehicle permit scam halted.

In spite of the police and the AG Department trying desperately to shift the blame to each other, there is no doubt as to how negligence facilitated the Thowheed project. The police and the AG Department should examine the circumstances leading to an attack, described as worse than any of those carried out by the LTTE during the entire war.

Bathiudeen fights back

Following Bathiudeen’s meeting with the Bishop of Mannar, the media received two separate statements, with pix ,from the ministry. When the writer made inquiries as to why Bathiudeen’s ministry issued two different statements, on the same meeting, it came to light that the controversial politician had hired media specialist Prasanna Adikari, who, until recently, managed Health Minister Dr. Rajitha Senaratne’s media team. Bathiudeen, in spite of having the services of an exceptionally good media team, brought in Adikari as his political opponents stepped up pressure on him. Having been accused of destroying Wilpattu, Bathiudeen was overwhelmed when the JO launched a devastating attack on him over the Easter Sunday attacks. The campaign was essentially based on Lt. Gen. Senanayake’s revelation that Bathiudeen called him thrice to inquire about a terrorist suspect in custody. Interestingly, no one bothered to attack Bathiudeen over him seeking State Defence Minister Wijewardene’s intervention. The arrest of Senior House Officer (SHO) Dr. Seigu Siyabdeen Mohammed Safi, attached to the Kurunegala hospital, on the night of May 24, 2019, over amassing of wealth, in a suspicious manner, amidst accusations he conducted a clandestine sterilization project, was quickly leaked to Bathiudeen. A section of the media reported as to how Bathiudeen nominated Safi to contest the Kurunegala district on the UNP ticket at the last parliamentary election, in August 2015. Safi resigned his post to contest the election. When the electorate rejected him, he was again accommodated on the health staff through a special cabinet paper. There is no doubt Bathiudeen intervened on Safi’s behalf. S.B. Dissanayake and Udaya Gammanpila, of the UPFA, repeatedly accused Bathiudeen and his wife of buying land in the Mannar administrative district over a period of time. However, inquiries revealed that some of the questionable land transactions had taken place before Bathiudeen switched his allegiance to UNP leader Wickremesinghe, in Dec, 2014, in the run up to the presidential poll, the following month.

The JVP accommodated the father of two Thowheed suicide bombers on its 2015 National List. The JVP never explained as to how Mohamed Ibrahim, one of Sri Lanka’s wealthiest businessmen, ended up in its National List. Don’t forget Zahran himself advised those who contested the Batticaloa district, at the last general election, as to how they should conduct the campaign. Zahran’s outfit backed Maithripala Sirisena at the last presidential election.

Struggling to cope up with massive media onslaught, Bathiudeen sought Adikari’s advice as part of his overall efforts to counter the campaign against him. Adikari provided the required wherewithal to meet the media offensive as Bathiudeen prepared to face the PSC. There hadn’t been a previous instance of the police headquarters requesting the public to lodge complaints against a member of parliament. This was in addition to the No-Confidence Motion (NCM) moved by the JO and UNP National List MP Ven Atureliye Rathana against Bathiudeen. However, Ven Rathana engaged in a much publicized fast into death in the Dalada Maligawa premises which, in the end, helped Bathiudeen to survive the NCM. Wickremesinghe, under heavy pressure to sack Bathiudeen over the Easter carnage, too, heaved a sigh of relief for obvious reasons. Citing Ven. Rathana’s fast unto death, launched on May 31, 2019, Bathiudeen resigned on June 03, 2019. Eight other Muslim lawmakers, representing the UNP, SLMC and his ACMC, resigned to express solidarity with the Vanni District MP. They made the announcement at Temple Trees with the blessings of Wickremesinghe. One may ask as to how Ven. Rathana facilitated Bathiudeen’s project. The fast unto death gave an excuse to Bathiudeen to resign. The resignation made the NCM irrelevant as such a move can be made only against a minister. The giving up of ministerial portfolios enabled Bathiudeen to side-step the issue against him.

Adikari served the JVP at the beginning of his career as the media officer for the then Agriculture Minister, Anura Kumara Dissanayake, during President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga’s tenure as the president.  Subsequently, Adikari served the then Media Minister Anura Priyadarshana Yapa, followed by Tourism Minister Achala Jagoda, North Western Province Chief Minister Dayasiri Jayasekera, Sports Minister Dayasiri Jayasekera, Megapolis and Western Province Development Minister Patali Champika Ranawaka and Health Minister Dr. Rajitha Senaratne before taking over Bathiudeen’s assignment recently.

Bathiudeen’s parliamentary group consists of five members, including him. In spite of the ACMC having just five members, it wielded immense influence. Immediately after Bathiudeen meeting the Bishop of Mannar, the Minister’s  media officer, Joseph Thavaraja, in a statement issued quoted the Mannar-based priest, Right Reverend Dr. Fidelis Lionel Emmanuel Fernando, as having said: "Being a Cabinet Minister in the government enables one to render services to the public in a much bigger way. "I commend your decision to return to your Ministerial portfolio. This shall sustain your capacity to serve the public better." Thavaraja, who handles the English media for Bathiudeen, headlined his statement ‘Rt. Rev Bishop of Mannar commends Rishad for resuming cabinet portfolio.’ How clever?

Bathiudeen entered parliament, in 2001, on the UNP ticket. At that election, he was nominated by the SLMC. Bathiudeen returned to parliament again, at the 2004 April general election, on the UNP ticket. On that occasion, too, he was an SLMC nominee. At the 2010 general election, he contested on the UPFA ticket and was one of the most influential ministers at that time. In spite of the UNP accusing him of clearing Wilppattu and corruption, he was rewarded with the important Trade and Commerce portfolios, following the last parliamentary elections in 2015 August. Bathiudeen switched his allegiance to the UNP, along with the then SLFP General Secretary Maithripala Sirisena, in Dec 2014.

Bathiudeen has now cleared the way for a crucial role in the forthcoming presidential election, scheduled for late Nov-early Dec 2019. The SLMC Chief seems confident that he can proceed with a kingmaker role with the backing of a high profile media campaign. So far, Bathiudeen appears to have succeeded in surmounting the multi-pronged offensive directed at him. Bathiudeen recently took a common stand with Sri Lanka Muslim Congress leader Rauff Hakeem regarding the formation of the National Democratic Front (NDF). Their move, along with other minority parties, in the current dispensation, and the Sajith Premadasa group, compelled the UNP to put on hold the formation of the NDF. All of them want consensus on their candidate before the finalization of the agreement on the NDF. Bathiudeen is obviously back in a high profile political project. Let us await the PSC report on the Easter Sunday carnage, expected to be released before nominations open for the 2019 presidential poll. Will it confirm the Premier’s declaration that the police intelligence cleared him of complicity in the Thowheed project?