UK Labour takes up cudgels for minority rights in Lanka in the wake of Gotabaya triumph

SPECIAL REPORT : Part 298

November 26, 2019, 9:25 pm

President Gotabaya Rajapaksa shaking hands with Deputy High Commissioner Tom Burns on Monday. HC Hulton (Centre) and First Secretary Amy O’Brien look on.

By Shamindra Ferdinando

Mahajana Eksath Peramuna (MEP) leader Dinesh Gunawardena, MP, on Monday, Nov 25, assumed duties as the Foreign Minister. Gunawardena succeeded Tilak Marapana, PC (Aug 2017-Nov 2019). Addressing the media, with Foreign Secretary Ravinatha Aryasinghe by his side, Gunawardena assured that foreign agreements, including the Geneva resolution, would be revisited. The reference was to the resolution co-sponsored by Sri Lanka on Oct 01, 2015.

Ven. Elle Gunawansa, who addressed the gathering, emphasized the pivotal importance of restoring Sri Lanka’s pride. The Ven Thera explained as to why they were interested in the foreign ministry now.

The then Sri Lanka’s Permanent Representative, in Geneva, Ravinatha Aryasinghe signed it on behalf of the UNP-SLFP coalition, though he strongly opposed it. UNP heavyweight Mangala Samaraweera held the foreign portfolio at that time (January 2015-May 2017). UNPer Ravi Karunanayake, embroiled in treasury bond scams succeeded Samaraweera before being removed from the cabinet (May 2017-Aug 2017). Former Attorney General Marapana replaced Karunanayake. Marapana, too, conveniently refrained from taking tangible measures to counter the Geneva project for obvious reasons (Aug 2017 to Oct 2018). The yahapalana government wanted the project to continue at the expense of Sri Lanka. Following the Oct 2018 constitutional coup, President Sirisena handed over the ministry to Dr. Sarath Amunugama (Oct 2018-Dec 2018). The Geneva issue wasn’t addressed during the 52-day government. Marapana returned as the Foreign Minister in Dec 2018. Under heavy media pressure, at the March 2019 Geneva sessions, Marapana made reference to Lord Naseby’s Oct 2017 disclosure in the House of Lords in defence of Sri Lanka. Unfortunately, no follow up action was taken.

Ironically, Mangala Samaraweera functioned as the Foreign Minister at the time the Eelam War IV broke out, in August 2006. Rohitha Bogollagama served as the Foreign Minister during the war and was replaced by Prof. G.L. Peiris after the successful conclusion of the war. Samaraweera returned in January 2015 as the Foreign Minister to carry forward the Geneva trap.

The new Foreign Minister Gunawardena has been raising the Geneva issue, both in and outside parliament, throughout. In Nov 2017, Gunawardena, on behalf of the Joint Opposition, received an assurance from Marapana that Lord Naseby’s disclosure would be used at the appropriate forum, at the right time. The promise was not kept.

Over an hour after Gunawardena took over the foreign ministry, British High Commissioner Sarah Hulton, accompanied by her deputy Tom Burn, called on President Gotabaya Rajapaksa at the Presidential Secretariat. Human Rights Council member is a key player in the Geneva project. The UK leads the operation since the US quit the Geneva body, in June 2018. The UK has so far refused steadfastly to review the Geneva resolution, taking the Lord Naseby’s disclosure into consideration. Regardless of the party/coalition in power in London, the British position, in respect of Sri Lanka, is largely influenced by the substantial amount of UK voters of Sri Lankan Tamil origin.

Geneva will again take up the Lankan issue, in March 2020, after the dissolution of parliament, probably on March 01, 2020.

The recent launch of the Labour Party manifesto, for the UK general election, on Dec 12, 2019, highlighted the overall British policy towards Sri Lanka. Against the backdrop of the BBC demeaning President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, no sooner he was elected, Labour Party Leader Jeremy Corbyn declared the Labour Government would work towards protecting the rights of the Tamils and Muslims in Sri Lanka.

"We will work through the UN and the Commonwealth to insist on the protection of human rights for Sri Lanka’s minority Tamil and Muslim populations," Corbyn said.

"Human rights and international humanitarian law are fundamental pillars of a secure global system. These principles are under threat," he pointed out.

The Labour party promised that it would appoint human-rights advisers to work across the Foreign Office and government to prioritize a co-ordinated approach to human rights.

The Party added that it would advocate for human rights at every bilateral diplomatic meeting.

The treacherous previous government lacked the courage at least to raise Lord Naseby’s disclosure with the UK. The UNP gave into the despicable Western project in return for support to defeat the war-winning Rajapaksa government at the last presidential in January 2015.

MR’s bid thwarted

Having defeated President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s hotly disputed bid to secure a third term, in early January 2015, the UNP perpetrated the first treasury bond scam on Feb 27, 2015.

Rajapaksa called early presidential polls nearly two years ahead of schedule in spite of being strongly advised against the move by the General Secretary of the Communist Party, D.E.W. Gunasekera. Gunasekera, backed by leftist colleagues, Vasudeva Nanayakkara and Prof. Tissa Vitharana, warned of dire consequences in case the war-winning leader called presidential polls. They wouldn’t have anticipated a ‘raid’ on the Central Bank.

The fraudulent transaction involved now disgraced primary dealer Perpetual Treasuries Limited (PTL) run by Arjun Aloysius, flamboyant son-in-law of now fugitive Singaporean Governor of the Sri Lanka Central Bank, Arjuna Mahendran, a close associate of UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe.

The then President Maithripala Sirisena dissolved parliament at midnight on June 26, 2015 to save the UNP from the damning COPE (Committee on Public Enterprises) report that dealt with the first treasury bond scam. Ironically, D.E.W. Gunasekera headed the COPE inquiry.

Sirisena, in spite of being furious with the then Premier Ranil Wickremesinghe over him being compelled to accommodate Arjuna Mahendran, had no option but to save the UNP by dissolving parliament. Sirisena’s move prevented COPE Chairman Gunasekera from tabling the report in parliament. The treasury bond scam ruined President Sirisena’s 100-day project. Sirisena never recovered from the debilitating setback caused by the bond scam.

The UNP won the parliamentary election, in August 2015, though it couldn’t secure a simple majority. In spite of being the leader of the SLFP, as well as the head of the SLFP-led UPFA, President Sirisena sabotaged the UPFA campaign. His declaration that even in the event of on UPFA victory, Mahinda Rajapaksa wouldn’t, under any circumstance, be appointed the Prime Minister, severely discouraged UPFA supporters. The UNP-led UNF won 106 whereas the UPFA managed to obtain 95 seats.

Having helped the UNP to win the August 2015 election, Sirisena paved the way for the far bigger second treasury bond scam, on March 29, 2016.

In between the Feb 2015 and March 2016 treasury bond scams, the UNP-SLFP administration betrayed the country at the Geneva Human Rights Council (UNHRC) on Oct 01, 2015. The then Sri Lanka’s Permanent Representative in Geneva Ambassador Ravinatha Aryasinha at the behest of the government co-sponsored a resolution inimical to Sri Lanka. The then government made the career diplomat to do so just over a week after he rejected the resolution at an informal discussion in Geneva with those who sponsored it.

Although Sirisena repeatedly declared that the Geneva resolution posed no threat and during his tenure as the President measures were taken to neutralize it, the danger remains. Sirisena repeated the fallacious claim in his last address to the nation soon after the voting ended on Nov 16, 2019.

Geneva betrayal

Why did UNP-SLFP government co-sponsor a resolution detrimental to Sri Lanka? Can the UNP, SLFP justify their controversial decision that paved the way for foreign judges and other foreign experts in proposed domestic judicial mechanisms? Consultation Task Force on Reconciliation Mechanisms (CTFRM) formed in terms of Geneva directives, too, recommended foreign judges. The outfit comprised 11 civil society activists, including key members of the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) and the then editor of Ravaya, attorney-at-law K. W. Janaranjana.

The issue here is certainly not the hybrid accountability mechanism, proposed on the basis of unsubstantiated war crimes accusations, but the failure on the part of Sri Lanka to disprove the lies it is based on. The war-winning Rajapaksa government (Nov 2005-January 2015) cannot absolve itself of negligence and extremely poor judgment in respect of the Geneva issue. The Rajapaksa Camp didn’t bother at least to examine as to why the four-party Tamil National Alliance (TNA) backed Maithripala Sirisena who contested the 2015 presidential poll on the New Democratic Front (NDF) ticket. The Sirisena-Wickremesinghe government (January 2015-Nov 2019), too, cannot absolve itself of the Geneva betrayal.

The previous government went as so far as to reiterate its promise on having foreign judges in domestic accountability mechanisms in June 2016. This was revealed by Jaffna lawmaker M.A. Sumanthiran in the presence of the then Sri Lanka Ambassador in Washington, Prasad Kariyawasam.

The UNP-SLFP administration didn’t clear its decision to co-sponsor the Geneva resolution with parliament. It was also not discussed in the cabinet. Lord Naseby, on Oct 12, 2017, disclosed hitherto confidential British diplomatic cables which could have successfully used to force a review of the original Geneva resolution. The UNP-SLFP government did nothing. When the writer raised the government failure with the then SLFP cabinet spokesman, Minister Dayasiri Jayasekera, at a post-cabinet press briefing at the Information Department, he reacted angrily. That was in Nov 2017. The UPFA quit the UNP-led government, in late Oct 2018. The 52-day government, too, did nothing. Having regained the government in Dec 2018, the UNP ensured the Naseby disclosure was not used at all though the then Foreign Minister Tilak Marapana, PC, made a reference to the British Lord when he addressed Geneva in March 2019.

The Geneva resolution was adopted on the basis of five major allegations - (a) Killing of civilians through widespread shelling (b) Shelling of hospitals and other humanitarian objects (c) Denial of humanitarian assistance (d) Human rights violations suffered by victims and survivors of the conflict and (e) Human Rights violations outside the conflict zone.

The following six primary allegations were directed at the LTTE - (a) Using civilians as a human buffer (b) Killing civilians attempting to escape LTTE control (c) Using military equipment in close proximity of civilians (d) forced recruitment of children (e) Forced labour and (f) killing of civilians through suicide attacks.

Having faulted the Army on three major counts, the UN commissioned Darusman report accused Sri Lanka of massacring at least 40,000 civilians. Let me reproduce the paragraph, bearing no 137, verbatim: "In the limited surveys that have been carried out in the aftermath of the conflict, the percentage of people reporting dead relatives is high. A number of credible sources have estimated that there could have been as many as 40,000 civilian deaths. Two years after the end of the war, there is no reliable figure for civilian deaths, but multiple sources of information indicate that a range of up to 40,000 civilian deaths cannot be ruled out at this stage. Only a proper investigation can lead to the identification of all of the victims and to the formulation of an accurate figure for the total number of civilian deaths."

Naseby’s disclosure disputed the UN report. Naseby showed as to how Sri Lanka can be saved from the concocted despicable UN project meant to divide the country on ethnic lines by replacing the existing Constitution. As long as the UN report remains unchallenged in Geneva and proved a false basis, the threat remains. Now, it is the responsibility of President, Commander-in-Chief and the Defence Minister Gotabaya Rajapaksa to ensure a thorough examination of all available reports, including Lord Naseby’s disclosure (based on partially declassified Lt. Col. Anthony Gash’s wartime dispatches from British HC in Colombo to the Foreign and Commonwealth Office).

British dispatches countered UN lies. (UK is a member of the Geneva body consisting of 47 countries divided into five zones)

Space for separatist agenda

Western powers, the TNA, the UNP and some sections of the civil society will continue to push separatist agenda until Sri Lanka disprove once and for all accusations of wrong doing. The coverage of 2019 presidential polls campaign and post-election reportage by some sections of the international media underscored the need to counter lies. President Gotabaya Rajapaksa was repeatedly depicted as the villain. The reportage on the new President and Army Commander Lt. Gen. Shavendra Silva can be compared. Earlier Australia denied Major General Chagie Gallage a visa also on the basis of lies propagated by the UN. The UN also sought to restrict overseas SLA deployments in the wake of Shavendra Silva’s appointment.

At SLPP candidate Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s inaugural media briefing, at Shangri-La on Oct 15, 2019, The Hindu correspondent in Colombo Meera Srinivasan and some of her colleagues certainly reminded Sri Lanka of the urgent need to present its case before the world. Sri Lanka cannot afford not to remind the world that Sri Lanka was a VICTIM of despicable Indian foreign policy in the 80s. No less person than the late Indian Foreign Secretary J.N. Dixit, in 2005, admitted that Indian intervention in Sri Lanka was more a domestic issue.

It would be pertinent to reproduce verbatim what Dixit said in his memoirs ‘ Makers of India’s Foreign Policy: Raja Ram, Mohun Roy to Yashwant Sinha’ as regards Indian intervention here during Indira Gandhi’s tenure as the Prime Minister of India: "The two foreign policy decisions on which she could be faulted are: her ambiguous response to the Russian intrusion into Afghanistan and her giving active support to Sri Lankan Tamil militants. Whatever the criticisms about these decisions, it cannot be denied that she took them on the basis of her assessments about India’s national interests. Her logic was that she could not openly alienate the former Soviet Union when India was so dependent on that country for defence supplies and technologies. Similarly, she couldn’t afford the emergence of Tamil separatism in India by refusing to support the aspirations of Sri Lankan Tamils. These aspirations were legitimate in the context of nearly 50 years of Sinhalese discrimination against Sri Lankan Tamils.

An Indian diplomat recently asked the writer as to why history has to be repeated. The writer pointed out there was no other option but to repeatedly present facts in response to Sri Lanka being humiliated over unsubstantiated war crimes accusations. Obviously India does not want to be reminded how it destroyed the neighbouring country. Otherwise, it would definitely put up a monument for nearly 1,500 Indian soldiers and officers killed here. Some of them were buried here as well??.

With the next Geneva sessions, scheduled for March 2020, the new administration would have to move fast with the Foreign Ministry taking the lead in reviewing all reports/evidence available.

Can Sri Lanka request Geneva to undertake a fresh review in respect of accusations against Sri Lanka in the wake of Lord Naseby’s disclosure?

Lord Naseby told the writer on more than one occasion that Sri Lanka should appeal not only to Geneva but individual members of the Geneva body, especially members of the Sri Lanka group responsible for the resolution. The UK heads this group, after the US, in June 2018, quit Geneva, alleging it was a ‘cesspool of political bias.’

The SLPP candidate could have done much better in the Tamil majority Northern Province, at the 2019 presidential, had tangible measures were taken to convince the electorate that the alleged war crimes didn’t take place. The failure on the part of the SLPP to address that allowed the UNP, for the third time running, to score heavily in the Northern and Eastern Provinces. Interested parties continued their protests while one-time LTTE mouthpiece, the Illankai Thamil Arasu Kadchi-led TNA demanded exclusive international mechanisms to probe accountability issues.

The caretaker cabinet, which was sworn in on Friday, Nov 23, with MEP leader Dinesh Gunawardena as the Foreign Minister, will have to address the accountability issue without further delay. Sri Lanka should be fully geared to present its case, in Geneva, in March, in addition to making representations to individual members of the UNHRC and the US. Geneva cannot ignore Sri Lanka’s request for a thorough review of the original accusations against the backdrop of revealed British dispatches.

The 17-member caretaker cabinet, chaired by President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, and the National Security Council, should be thorough on the issue. If the caretaker government fails to utilise the given opportunity it would be nothing but treason. The Gotabaya Rajapaksa administration should move fast on this matter. In fact, addressing the Geneva issue would be as important as winning the parliamentary general election in April 2020. Having comfortably won the Feb 2018 Local Government polls and the Nov 2019 presidential, the SLPP should now undertake a comprehensive programme to address accountability issues ahead of the April 2020 parliamentary polls, followed by the Provincial Council polls. The vast majority of Tamil electorate is certainly unaware UN accusations have been challenged in the House of Lords on the basis of wartime British High Commission dispatches from Colombo. Although Lord Naseby made the dispatches available to the then President Maithripala Sirisena, his government squandered the opportunity to clear Sri Lanka’s name. Following the UK Minister of State for the Commonwealth, UN and South Asia Lord Ahmad’s visit to Colombo, in Oct, the writer asked the British High Commission whether Sri Lanka raised the Naseby disclosure. The British HC denied Sri Lanka government taking it up. Among those who met the British politician were the then President Sirisena and Foreign Minister Marapana. In spite of rhetoric, the former President turned a blind eye to what was going. President Counsel Marapana never pursued the matter.

A treacherous government

Sri Lanka never officially raised Lord Naseby’s disclosure with the UK. The High Commissioner of Sri Lanka in the UK Manisha Gunasekera, met Lord Ahmad, on Nov 7, in the run up to the presidential election. Although the Foreign Ministry declared they focused on issues of mutual interest in Sri Lanka-UK bilateral relations and followed up on Minister Ahmad’s visit to Sri Lanka in October, as to how Lord Naseby’s disclosure could be used was never discussed.

Lord Ahmad, in Feb 2019, revealed how the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe government, in Oct. 2018, and the UNP, in January 2019, reassured Sri Lanka’s commitment to those controversial punitive UNHRC Resolutions.

Foreign Minister Dinesh Gunawardene is one of the few sitting members of parliament who repeatedly pushed the previous administration to use the Lord Naseby’s disclosure for Sri Lanka’s defence. Gunawardene raised the issue, both in and outside parliament. Unfortunately, the parliament as an institution never bothered to examine the Naseby disclosure. The Parliamentary Oversight Committees on foreign relations and defence neglected their responsibilities. They never examined the issue in spite of the revelation being made in the House of Lords on Oct 12, 2017. For some strange reason absolutely no effort was made by the SLPP presidential candidate to educate the Tamil electorate. Instead, those promoting separatist agenda were allowed to propagate the lie that exclusive international mechanisms were required to address accountability issues. The demand was one of the proposals put forwarded by the ITAK-led five-party Tamil grouping in the run up to the Nov 16 presidential poll. Unless, the caretaker government swiftly and decisively act on Lord Naseby’s disclosure, coupled with all other available evidence, those who still believe in a separate state in a re-merged North and the East would exploit the forthcoming parliamentary and Provincial Council polls to consolidate their position. Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s triumph would be exploited by the TNA to increase its tally at the expense of national reconciliation. The TNA stands a chance to enhance its presence in parliament by depicting Gotabaya Rajapaksa as a threat to the community unless the caretaker governemnt educated the Tamil electorate. The TNA obtained 16 seats at the last parliamentary polls in August 2017. The outfit will certainly do much better in case the Gotabaya Rajapaksa administration didn’t address this issue immediately. The TNA is aware as to how the Lord Naseby’s initiative could undermine its campaign based on lies. The TNA conveniently remained silent on the Naseby’s disclosure.

 The Island submitted the following questions to TNA and Opposition Leader R. Sampanthan on Nov 27, 2017 and repeatedly reminded the Opposition Leader’s Office of the delay on its part to response. The following questions were never answered: (1) Have you (TNA) studied Lord Naseby’s statement made in the House of Lords on Oct 12, 2017 (2) What is TNA’s position on Naseby’s claims? (3) Did TNA leaders discuss Naseby’s claim among themselves? (4) Did TNA respond to MP Dinesh Gunawardena’s statements in parliament on Naseby’s disclosure? (5) And Did TNA take up this issue with UK High Commissioner James Dauris?

SLPP emerges as most powerful party, UNP in crisis

* SLFP saved by last minute pact with the SLPP

* Civil society groups suffer debilitating setbacks

* Gotabaya attributes his victory to Sinhaha majority vote, praises brothers Mahinda and Basil

* Enterprise Sri Lanka, Gamperaliya fail to deliver

* Ranil remains Premier 72 hours into new President’s term

* UNP divided over post-poll strategy

* Nagananda lucky not to contest Nov 16 prez poll

SPECIAL REPORT : Part 297

November 19, 2019, 9:36 pm

President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, former President Maithripala Sirisena , SLPP Chairman Prof. G.L. Peiris and a section of UPFA parliamentary group taking part in religious observences at the Presidential Secretariat yesterday.

By Shamindra Ferdinando

Among the 35 candidates who contested the 2019 presidential election were two retired army officers, namely General Mahesh Senanayake and Lt. Colonel Nandasena Gotabaya Rajapaksa. Senanayake retired early this year. Rajapaksa retired over a year after the outbreak of Eelam War II, in June 1990.

General Mahesh Senanayake contested the Nov 16, 2019 poll on the National People’s Movement (NPM) ticket. The NPM accommodated Senanayake with the blessings of its leader, President’s Counsel Srinath Perera, formerly of the UNP. Perera represented the UNP in the Western Provincial Council, though his attempts to enter parliament weren’t successful.

Gotabaya Rajapaksa contested on the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) ticket. Both the NPM and the SLPP lacked parliamentary representation though those elected and appointed on the UPFA ticket and the National List, respectively, served the SLPP. One-time External Affairs Minister Prof. G.L. Peiris functions as the Chairman of the SLPP, while former State Counsel Sagara Kariyawasam is its Secretary.

Gotabaya Rajapaksa never took membership of the SLPP. A last minute agreement between the SLFP and the SLPP saved the former from political massacre.

Senanayake, who retired just a few months ago could not poll even 50,000 votes whereas the indomitable Rajapaksa convincingly defeated his rival Sajith Premadasa. Rajapaksa polled over 1.3 mn votes more than Premadasa whose humiliating defeat triggered fresh chaos in the UNP. Some of the UNP Ministers humiliated by the massive defeat, resigned their portfolios in the absence of consensus on what to do. Among those who quit their portfolios, within hours after the demeaning defeat were, Mangala Samaraweera and Harin Fernando. But Premier Ranil Wickremesinghe was present among the gathering at Ruwanweliseya when, on the morning of Monday, Nov 18, Gotabaya Rajapaksa took oaths as the President. Wife Iyoma, their only son Manoj and his daughter-in-law Seuwandhi were present.

Thanks to the 19th Amendment to the Constitution, enacted in 2015, under controversial circumstances, to clip the powers of the all-powerful presidency, without a referendum, the Premier couldn’t be removed. In terms of the 19th A, the premier had to resign or continue to serve in that position as long as the cabinet stands. Wickremesinghe’s, being at the Ruwanweliseya, event, highlighted the crisis in the UNP in the wake of the latest electoral debacle. UNP Chairman Kabir Hashim resigned whereas its General Secretary Akila Viraj Kariyawasam remained in office. Wickremesinghe appears to be struggling to regain the position of the Leader of the Opposition, at the expense of Sajith Premadasa, in the run-up to the next parliamentary poll.

Are we heading for another crisis far worse than previous crises? Isn’t it a tragedy that the parliamentary system is deliberately used to cause further turmoil? Those who depicted the 19A as the panacea for Sri Lanka’s ills caused irreparable damage. Post presidential poll developments highlighted the crisis.

Rajapaksa obtained 6,924,255 votes (52.25%) while Sajith Premadasa obtained 5,564,239 (41.99%.). Gotabaya Rajapaksa is the first to be elected for a five-year term, whereas his predecessor, Maithripala Sirisena, received a six-year term and reduced it to five by way of the 19th A.

Premadasa contested on the New Democratic Front (NDF) ticket - the third occasion a UNP-led coalition fielded a candidate on the NDF ticket. General Sarath Fonseka and Maithripala Sirisena contested the 2010 and 2015 polls, respectively, under the ‘swan’ symbol. The NDF gained notoriety, in Oct 2017, when its Chairman Shalila Munasinghe and Janaka Nanmuni, son of one-time Army Chief-of-Staff  Maj. Gen. Jaliya Nanmuni, were arrested for allegedly stealing USD 2.1 mn from a Thaiwanese bank. At the time of the arrest of British national, Shalila Munasinghe,’ he served as the Chairman of state-owned enterprise Litro Gas. They received bail, pending the case. The writer sought a clarification from Sajith Premadasa, before the election, whether Shalila Munasinghe remained the Chairman of the NDF. The then UNP Deputy Leader’s response was ‘No.’

JVP leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake couldn’t even save his deposit. Dissanayake, who secured a distant third place, managed to secure 418,553 (3.16%) votes at the Nov 16 poll. The JVP contested the presidential election twice before, including the first in Oct 1982, where its founding leader Rohana Wijeweera was its candidate.

The just concluded poll - third since the conclusion of the war in May 2009 proved that there was no charismatic and capable leader to be a third force in the current environment. The JVP is unlikely to recover from its perceived-behind-the scene backing of the UNF regime, since 2015 and the just suffered drubbing at the national poll. The forthcoming parliamentary election will definitely make matters worse for the JVP.

The NPM picked Senanayake, under controversial circumstances, in the wake of the Easter Sunday carnage. One-time Auditor General Gamini Wijesinghe and Dr. Ajith Colonne introduced the former Army Commander at an event at the Sugathadasa Stadium. Senanayake, in spite of being the Commander of the Army, didn’t accept responsibility for the Easter Sunday security failure. As the top most officer responsible for the Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI), can he absolve himself of the responsibility for the government failure. Therefore, Senanayake is also responsible for the shocking failure to thwart the murderous National Thowheed Jamaat (NTJ) project. Senanayake received tremendous media coverage as a result of the Easter Sunday horror. Senanayake never explained as to how mobs torched Muslim property, in several parts of the country, many days after the April 21 attacks - and most often during curfew hours when marauding gangs, riding hundreds of motorcycles, perpetrated the mayhem. What were the Police and Army doing with their newly restored emergency powers at the time? The Parliamentary Select Committee (PSC) never really bothered to inquire into some crucial aspects, such as possible Saudi links to the then Eastern Province Governor M.L.A.M. Hizbullah. The NPM fielded Senanayake at the expense of a consensus among the civil society groups to field a candidate opposed to Sajith Premadasa and Gotabaya Rajapaksa. Sarvodaya played a significant role in the NPM project.

It would be pertinent to mention that the Army re-accommodated Senanayake in the wake of Maithripala Sirisena receiving the presidency, in spite of Senanayake being away since the 2010 presidential election. Senanayake fled the country citing threats to his life on the premise the Rajapaksas pursued him for being a Sarath Fonseka loyalist.

Attorney-at-law Nagananda Kodituwakku was certainly lucky to escape the Nov 16 slaughter, thanks to him being deprived of an opportunity to contest. Kodituwakku bitterly complained about Okkoma Rajawaru Okkoma Wesiyo party denying him the ticket at the behest of some of his civil society colleagues. Kodituwakku gave up his British citizenship to seek nominations.

Even if the entire civil society grouping backed one candidate, Gotabaya Rajapaksa would have handsomely won the contest by over 1.3 mn. The civil society activists were sharply divided with the politically influential NMSJ (National Movement for Social Justice), Purawesi Balaya and Civil Society and Trade Union Collective et al throwing their weight behind Sajith Premadasa, though their first preference was Speaker Karu Jayasuriya.

The result clearly proved that the grouping was only some people’s civil society and its backing didn’t make any difference or even worked to the disadvantage of Sajith Premadasa because of the general perceived feeling in the south that they were only motivated by outside interests and funding. The civil society grouping played a significant role in the high profile 2014 project to defeat the Rajapaksas. The Americans funded the operation. At the recently concluded poll, sharply divided civil society activists backed Sajith Premadasa, Anura Kumara Dissanayake and Mahesh Senanayake. Even if all joined hands, they couldn’t have challenged Gotabaya Rajapaksa under any circumstances. At one point those backing Sajith Premadasa alleged Anura Kumara’s move would only help Gotabaya Rajapaksa.

The result highlighted the emergence of the SLPP as the most powerful political party in the country at the expense of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP).

Both the SLFP and the UNP suffered debilitating setbacks with their leaderships in disarray. The SLPP will further consolidate its position at the forthcoming parliamentary polls.

Having been sworn in as the seventh Executive President at Ruwanweliseya, Anuradhapura, on Monday, Nov 18, President Gotabaya Rajapaksa thanked brothers, Mahinda and Basil for making, Nov 16 victory possible. Rajapaksa especially appreciated SLPP strategist Basil for building an unbeatable political machinery that ensured his triumph. Basil Rajapaksa acquired? the SLPP to contest the last parliamentary poll in August 2015 though it never materialized.

 The writer, at a discussion on Nov 13, 2019 with TV 1 anchor, Faraz Shauketaly, and Rasika Jayakody who represented the NDF, asserted that wartime Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa would comfortably win the contest. Asked what would be the outcome of the eighth presidential poll, the writer emphasized certain victory for Gotabaya Rajapaksa in spite of the four-party Tamil National Alliance (TNA) throwing its weight behind Sajith Premadasa. As promised, the TNA, SLMC (Sri Lanka Muslim Congress) and the ACMC (All Ceylon Makkal Congress) delivered the entire northern and eastern polling divisions to Sajith Premadasa. Galvanized by the alleged UNP-TNA deal, the South delivered a knockout blow to Sajith Premadasa. As a result, the significant gains in Jaffna, Vanni, Batticaloa, Trincomalee and Digamadulla electoral districts were wiped out by the majority community.

Having arranged a media briefing, in Colombo, to accuse Gotabaya Rajapaksa of running death squads and stealing an astronomical 7,000 tonnes of gold belonging to the LTTE, UNP strategist Dr. Rajitha Senaratne remained supremely confident of Sajith Premadasa’s victory. Having voted for Sajith Premadasa, at the Vardhanarama temple, Hettimulla, in the Beruwela electorate, Dr. Senaratne declared that Sajith Premadasa would poll 750,000 votes more than Gotabaya Rajapaksa. Sajith Premadasa lost by over 1.3 mn votes. Beruwela, nursed by Dr. Senaratne, too, was won by Gotabaya Rajapaksa. In fact, the SLPP wiped out the UNP in the Kalutara district.

In the run-up to the poll, Dr. Senaratne played a critical role in forming a coalition, comprising political parties, political groups and the civil society. The UNP lacked even basic political strategy to convince the South, whereas the Tamil vote was meant to recoup the loss of the southern vote. Obviously, the UNP didn’t comprehend the level of the southern electorate’s animosity towards the ruling party against the backdrop of one-time LTTE apologists pledging their support to Sajith Premadasa.

In his brief inaugural speech, President Gotabaya Rajapaksa reminded the nation as to how his appeal for Tamils and Muslim communities to be part of his victory was disregarded. President Gotabaya Rajapaksa didn’t mince his words when he declared that the Sinhala majority made his victory a reality. At the 2010 presidential poll Mahinda Rajapaksa too proved victory could be secured on the strength of the Sinhala majority vote. Mahinda Rajapaksa defeated Sarath Fonseka by over 1.8 mn votes.

The writer joined a discussion, on post-election issues, on Monday, Nov 18, on Pathikada and News-line, anchored by Bandula Jayasekera and Faraz Shauketaly, respectively. Central Province Governor Maithri Gunaratne, who is also the Chairman, United National Freedom Front, was the other guest on the programmes.

The writer explained the daunting challenges faced by the new President. In fact, it was pointed out that beating Sajith Premadasa was much more easier than overcoming challenges faced by the country - waste, corruption and irregularities threatened the very existence of Sri Lanka. An utterly corrupt parliament remains the mother of all problems. Political reforms are a must. Corrective measures are required to discipline the Parliament, Provincial Councils and Local Government system. President Gotabaya Rajapaksa and the new government should examine the feasibility in sharply reducing the size of the Local Government administration, now comprising approximately 8,600 members. A section of the civil society backed by some foreign donors, influenced the UNP-SLFP administration to expand the Local Government system, hence the more than doubling of the Local Government system from 4,000 to 8,600 members. Today, the Local Government system is a huge burden on the taxpayer.

The Election Commission should examine the possibility of limiting the Local Government administration.

President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, although not having experience at any level of political administration, will certainly be able to quite rightly identify the need to clean up the political system. The President, in his inaugural address, declared that corruption wouldn’t be tolerated. Tackling corruption wouldn’t be easy with both sides, including those now with him being accused of serious corruption over the years.

The drubbing the UNP and the SLFP received, at the Feb 10, 2018 Local Government polls, resulted in the rapid deterioration of both parties. On the other hand, the SLPP rapidly grew to be the most powerful registered political party. Twice President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s decision to accept the leadership of the SLPP, on August 11, 2019, sealed the fate of the SLFP.

Mangala Samaraweera is the only UNP lawmaker to warn of dire consequences of an SLPP victory at the Feb 10 Local Government polls. Samaraweera quit the Finance portfolio in the immediate aftermath of the Nov 16, 2019 rout at the presidential polls.

Samaraweera has contradicted those who had downplayed the importance of the Feb. 10 Local Government polls. He didn’t mince his words when he acknowledged, in the run up to the Local Government polls, the growing and formidable challenge posed by the SLPP, though his colleagues depicted a different picture. Samaraweera, in a statement issued on January 25, 2018, warned the electorate of dire consequences over the Rajapaksa group making significant progress.

Declaring that the Feb. 10 countrywide local government poll is much more than a contest to capture political power, in local government authorities, Samaraweera asserted: "It is an old regime’s first real attempt to recapture power and restore an old, corrupt and dictatorial order."

Samaraweera warned that electoral inroads, made at the Local Government poll could be utilized to attempt to recapture national control at future elections. His fears were proved right a few days ago.

He said that the outcome of the Local Government poll would have ‘national consequences’ and undermined the yahapalana administration. "With the Rajapaksa regime and its fellow barbarians at the gates once more, Sri Lanka is at a crossroads at this election," he claimed

Acknowledging the possibility of the January 8, 2015, constituency wavering, Samaraweera, one of those who had spearheaded the campaign, both here and overseas, against the Rajapaksas, in the run-up to the last presidential poll, said: "Perhaps we are not where we hoped to be by this time."

Having reminded the electorate how the then President had brazenly abused power, shot people who asked for clean drinking water and allowed his incompetent brother-in-law to ruin the national carrier et al, Samaraweera said: "On February 10th the people will have to choose once more – will we continue the march to freedom or herald a return to fear."

Samaraweera referred to white vans, grease yakas, attacks on media, killing of journalists, night races in Kandy, Thajudeen killing, though there was no reference to his earlier charge that Rajapaksas had stashed away billions of US dollars in offshore accounts. Samaraweera, sometime ago, claimed the Rajapaksas’ ill-gotten stash at a staggering USD 18.5 bn. This claim was outdone by Rajitha Senaratne when he produced an alleged eyewitness, in the run up to the recent poll, who claimed he was involved in transporting, to Colombo, 7000 tonnes of gold taken by Rajapaksa from Tiger leader Velupillai Prabhakaran.

Did Samaraweera purposely omit that line against the backdrop of the UNP being accused of massive treasury bond scams involving Perpetual Treasuries (PTL), by no less a person than the then President Maithripala Sirisena. Had the treasury bond scams not taken place, the veteran politician wouldn’t have had to admit: "Perhaps we are not where we hoped to be by this time."

In fact, Samaraweera wouldn’t have had to admit the possibility of former President Rajapaksa making a rapid comeback, if not for the treasury bond scams, perpetrated in 2015 and 2016. Widely dubbed Sri Lanka’s biggest single financial fraud, the treasury bond scams dominated both print and electronic media, since March 2015. The reportage of the treasury bond scams certainly embarrassed the yahapalana government, both locally and internationally.

The first treasury bond scam, perpetrated in Feb 2015, marked the beginning of the end of the yahapalana administration. The second treasury bond scam, in late March 2016, caused irreparable damage to the UNP-SLFP arrangement in parliament. In between the two treasury bond scams disgraced primary dealer Perpetual Treasuries Limited (PTL), the yahapalana government betrayed the country at the Geneva Human Rights Council. The then President Maithripala Sirisena, in a desperate bid to save his marriage with the UNP, delayed appointment of a Presidential Commission till January 2017. Both the UNP and the SLFP contributed to their embarrassing defeat at the Local Government polls in Feb 2018. President Sirisena’s efforts were meant to save the government at the expense of Premier Wickremesinghe. The UNP parliamentary group lacked the strength to take a stand. Wickremesinghe survived a no-confidence motion moved against him, in April 2018, before President Sirisena sacked him in late Oct of the same year. Wickremesinghe managed to secure premiership in Dec 2018 thanks to joint action undertaken with the support of the TNA and the JVP. Those who believed high profile Enterprise Sri Lanka and Gamperaliya, launched in the wake of the Local Government polls debacle could change the situation, ended up with egg on face.

The UNP has every reason to be scared of facing the forthcoming parliamentary polls as well as Provincial Council polls, especially in the South.

2019 prez poll: critical issues ignored

SPECIAL REPORT : Part 296

November 12, 2019, 8:47 pm

By Shamindra Ferdinando

Government Information Department (GID) invited the media to meet foreign election monitors at the Galadari Hotel today (Nov 13). They are here to observe the eighth presidential election - the third since the successful conclusion of the war in May 2009.

Director General, GID, Nalaka Kaluwewa, requested both print and electronic media organizations to submit two names each for the scheduled one hour meeting. Kaluwewa was acting on Commissioner General of Elections Saman Sri Ratnayake’s request to arrange a meeting between the media and those from India, the Maldives, Bangladesh, Malaysia, Indonesia, Australia, Nepal, Bhutan, Myanmar and South Africa. Ratnayake was acting on behalf of the Election Commission (EC).

The European Union Election Observation Mission (EU EOM), on its own has arranged a round-table discussion at the Hilton with the media tomorrow (14).

The EU outfit scheduled the round-table with the participation of its Chief Observer, Marisa Matias, a member of European Parliament from former colonial power Portugal. The EU EOM invited representatives from about a dozen state-owned and private organizations, involved in television, print, research and self-regulation. The two-hour meet with Matias and key members of her team will begin at 4.30 pm.

Matias is also scheduled to address the media at Hilton at 9 am on Nov 13. Both groups of foreign monitors have chosen hotels spared by the National Thowheed Jamaat (NTJ) suicide bombers responsible for the Easter Sunday carnage.

Matias leads the sixth EU EOM here. It would be pertinent to mention that the EU EOM conducted five previous missions, including the parliamentary polls in April 2004. The 2004 mission took place in the run-up to the presidential poll in the following year. Sri Lanka’s pathetic failure to promptly act on critically important EU EOM observations further facilitated the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE)-Tamil National Alliance (TNA) attempt to carve out a separate state in the then temporarily-merged North East Province.

The first EU EOM was here in 2000, followed by 2001, 2004, 2005, and 2015. The deployment is always subjected to the invitation of the Government of Sri Lanka. The Elections Commissioner didn’t extend an invitation for EU EOM to monitor the presidential and parliamentary polls in 2010.

Had the then Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga’s government acted swiftly and decisively, following EU EOM missive the in 2004 perhaps the Eelam War IV could have been avoided. Unfortunately, the government, the then Election Commissioner (EC was constituted in terms of the 19th Amendment to the Constitution enacted in 2015) as well as other foreign and local election monitors refrained from backing the EU EOM observations. Veteran politician V. Anandasangaree, one of those who had been on the LTTE hit list at that time, was the only person to demand action against the TNA. The government simply ignored him. The EU, too, conveniently refrained from pursuing the matter.

Cushnahan’s role

Head of the EU EOM John Cushnahan didn’t mince his words when he declared the LTTE as the ‘primary source of the violence’ at the April 2 parliamentary election. Cushnahan quite rightly asserted that the LTTE’s primary aim was to garner a huge majority for its proxy, the TNA, to project it (the LTTE) as the sole representative of the Tamils. The Tigers did so by stuffing ballot boxes on behalf of the TNA in full view of poll observers.

Thanks to the LTTE, the TNA secured 22 seats - it was the grouping’s best performance at parliamentary election. The LTTE threw its weight behind the TNA on the basis of it (the LTTE) being recognized as the sole representative of the Tamil people. The LTTE was afforded the privilege in late 2001.

The EU EOM’s participation, in the electoral process here, should be examined against the backdrop of its role as a member of the Co-Chairs to the disastrous Norwegian peace initiative. Co-Chairs comprised the US, EU, Japan and Norway. In spite of Co-Chairs playing politics with the Sri Lanka issue, the EU EOM had the strength to categorically name the LTTE as the ‘primary source of violence.’ Anandasangaree applauded Cushnahan.

Having won the lion’s share of seats in the North-East, the TNA, acting in unison with the LTTE, ordered the Tamil electorate not to exercise their franchise at the Nov 2005 presidential election. Except Dr. Pakiasothy Saravanamuttu, executive director of the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA), no one else condemned the LTTE-TNA move. Those who bitterly complained about the display of posters and banners and hate speech et al, turned a blind eye to what was taking place in the North and East.

Hilton, Colombo: EU EOM Deputy Dimitra addressing the media on Oct 22, 2019. Paul Anderson of the same mission looks on.

Sri Lanka was rapidly heading towards war.

Foreign observers here should be aware of the treacherous past of those who still pretend they represented public interests.

When the writer raised the TNA – LTTE project with Dimitra Ioannou, Deputy Chief Observer, EU EOM, at the first media briefing, she side-stepped the issue.

Asked by The Island why no follow up action was taken in spite of the EU EOM alleging that the TNA won the lion’s share of seats in the Northern and Eastern Provinces at the April 2004 general election with the Tiger interventions, including stuffing ballot boxes on its behalf, the Deputy Chief Observer said that she was not aware of the situation then.

In terms of the EU EOM’s mandate to ‘observe and access’, Matias will examine (1) the legal framework and its implementation (2) the election administration (3) candidates and political parties (4) state institutions and civil society (5) media and (6) overall environment including respect for fundamental freedoms, civil and political rights.

The writer at that time pointed out sharp differences between the EU report and those of the other organizations which monitored the poll. "Wouldn’t it be absurd to have varying reports on the April election. But the unprecedented EU report had unmasked all phoney poll monitors," Anandasangaee said, while urging foreign governments, which funded polls monitoring groups, to assess their performances.

It would be interesting to note what the EU had to say about Karuna switching allegiance to the government. "There is a general perception that three of the five election-related murders were backed by the LTTE in an attempt to intimidate other Tamil contestants. For example on March 30, a TNA candidate, who supported Karuna’s split, was killed together with his brother-in-law in Batticaloa. On the same day, the deputy Dean of the Faculty of Agriculture of the Northeast University who supported interests of Eastern Tamils, was seriously injured in Batticaloa."

The EU also reported cases of multiple voting and impersonation in most cluster polling stations.

A President’s Counsel Opinion

The writer sought the opinion of President’s Counsel and former UPFA National List lawmaker M.M. Zuhair’s opinion as regards the impact of the 19th Amendment on the political scene, regardless of who wins the presidential election. One-time Ambassador to Teheran, Zuhair backed Maithripala Sirisena at the last presidential election, in January 2015, and was one of the leading yahapalana proponents. Judging by the rhetoric, political parties, polls monitors, civil society groups and various other interested parties hadn’t examined as to how stability can be restored in the immediate aftermath of the presidential poll.

Zuhair pointed out that incumbent Premier Ranil Wickremesinghe would continue to be in Office regardless of the outcome of the Nov 16 result. In terms of the 19th Amendment to the Constitution, President Premadasa/Rajapaksa would have to work with Premier Wickremesinghe until fresh elections were held.

Following the last presidential poll, in January 2015, UNP leader Wickremesinghe, in an unconstitutional act, was sworn in as the premier in spite of having less than 50 lawmakers under his command. Wickremesinghe succeeded D.M. Jayaratne, who commanded a staggering two-thirds majority in parliament. The UPFA either tacitly, or in fear, approved Wickremesinghe’s appointment. Such a situation is unlikely following this week’s poll.

Zuhair questioned as to how stability could be restored following years of political turmoil and unprecedented chaos since the commencement of the yahapalana administration. Responding to another query, Zuhair pointed out that though Premadasa is on record as having said that he would have a new PM it could not be done in terms of the existing constitutional provisions. Similarly, Gotabaya Rajapaksa, too, would have to be satisfied with incumbent Premier unless consensus could be reached to dissolve parliament ahead of the stipulated period.

Government strategist Minister Patali Champika Ranawaka is on record as having asserted that there would be a new government before the Sinhala and Tamil New year. However, political parties are largely silent over the period, after the Nov 16 presidential and March 1, 2020, when the parliament can be dissolved by the newly elected president.

Critical issues ignored

People’s Action for Free and Fair Elections (PAFFREL) – the largest local operation - recently released its second report on the forthcoming poll. The writer raised several contentious issues with Executive Director, PAFFREL, Rohana Hettiarachchi, after his organization asserted that the ongoing campaign was certainly peaceful. PAFFREL commended the current situation declaring the peaceful conduct of the postal vote over a period of four days. Hettiarachchi, actually didn’t find fault with the campaign except for some minor skirmishes, in which the ruling coalition being the victim on most occasions and abuses of political power.

Both local and foreign monitors, as well as political parties, have constantly ignored critical issues that needed to be addressed. The EU EOM round-table can be an appropriate forum to discuss ways and means of improving the political party system. No less a person than former Justice Minister Dr. Wijeyadasa Rajapakse, PC, recently admitted that the parliament was the most corrupt institution. Tangible measures are required to discipline parliament. There is absolutely no point in squandering funds (costly EU EOM operation conducted at the expense of European taxpayers) on polls monitoring missions. The requirement is to end corrupt practices through constitutional means, tangible measures to thwart foreign funding/interference in the local electoral process and speedy electoral reforms.

The writer, on a number of occasions, through the print media and television, pointed out the need to stop defeated candidates being accommodated through the National List, ban on crossovers and presidential pardons. Outgoing President Maithripala Sirisena raised many an eyebrow by granting amnesty to Shramantha Jude Anthony Jayamaha convicted of killing his girlfriend 19-year-old Yvonne Johnson. Jayamaha was convicted by the Colombo High Court in 2012. President Sirisena, who vowed to hang those convicted for narcotics offenses, ended up releasing a convicted killer on death row.

In spite of President Sirisena giving up responsibilities as the leader of the SLFP, before the latter pledged its support to Gotabaya Rajapaksa, a presidential pardon to a convicted killer should be taken up at the campaign. President Sirisena, while boasting he would implement the death penalty, released a cold blooded killer as he was leaving the presidency though he finalized a controversial deal to retain the President’s bungalow for his use. Can anyone justify presidential pardon to a convicted killer or him being granted a President’s bungalow. President Sirisena is widely believed to be seeking entry into parliament on the National List at the expense of a candidate accommodated on the same after being rejected by the electorate.

Polonnaruwa District MP Wasantha Senanayake, brought the entire parliamentary system to disrepute late last year by switching sides a couple of times within several days. Finally, Senanayake settled as the State Minister for Foreign Affairs. Last week, Senanayake, switched allegiance to SLPP presidential candidate Gotabaya Rajapaksa. Television footage showed Gotabaya Rajapaksa quite rightly expressing disgust at the way Senanayake made his entry. Senanayake being carried by people towards Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s platform reminded the disgusting politics, at national level. Will Senanayake seek nomination from the UPFA to contest the 2020 parliamentary election. Senanayake, since his entry into politics has made somewhat of a mockery of himself by such behaviour. Senanayake contested the last parliamentary poll on the UNP ticket to enter parliament from Polonnaruwa district. In the previous parliament, Senanayake represented the UPFA in the Gampaha district.

Tangible measures are required to stop lawmakers undermining the parliamentary process.

Polls monitors should take into consideration all factors. Over the years, poll monitors, both foreign and local, played safe. Their reports side-stepped real issues, while reaping foreign funding. They never took into consideration the real state of politics here.

The EU EOM report that dealt with the LTTE-TNA nexus at the April 2004 parliamentary poll was undoubtedly the most important post-election report received from local or foreign observers. The report established a direct relationship between the LTTE and the TNA parliamentary group beyond reasonable doubt.

In spite of the Cushnahan report, the EU, subsequently, developed close links with the TNA. The EU-TNA relations rapidly grew with the former backing one-time LTTE partner’s push for local and foreign hybrid investigation into highly unsubstantiated war crimes accusations. The EU threw its weight behind the US project to compel Sri Lanka to co-sponsor a resolution in Geneva against its own war-winning armed forces. It would be pertinent to mention that the US funded those opposed to the then President Mahinda Rajapaksa to the tune of millions of US dollars. US Secretary of State John Kerry let the cat out of the bag when he declared that the US spent USD 585 mn for the restoration of democracy in Myanmar, Nigeria and Sri Lanka. What other Western nations towing the American line spent on the project is anybody’s guess. The EU EOM Deputy Dimitra Ioannou side-stepped the issue when the writer raised accusations in respect of the US and Chinese funding political parties.

Sri Lanka brought the war to a successful conclusion a decade ago. Those who couldn’t stomach Sri Lanka’s triumph over the LTTE successfully moved Geneva in Oct 2015. The Geneva project suffered a debilitating setback, in Oct 2017, in the wake of Lord Naseby’s disclosure in the House of Lords. The revelation, based on wartime dispatches from the British High Commission, in Colombo, negated unsubstantiated accusations pertaining to the massacre of 40,000 civilians on the Vanni east front in 2009.

But the Illankai Thamil Arasu Kadchi (ITAK) called for an exclusive international war crimes probe in addition to 12 other demands in the run-up to the Nov 16 presidential poll. Lord Naseby’s disclosure tallied with wartime US Defence Advisor Lt. Colonel Lawrence Smith’s 2011 refutation of battlefield executions as well as Wiki Leaks revelations. Unfortunately, treacherous current dispensation worked with foul Western interests. Sri Lanka never presented fresh evidence in defence of its armed forces.

Sri Lanka goes to the third presidential poll, since the end of conflict, with the country still being harassed over unsubstantiated war crimes allegations.

Having introduced the executive presidency with the enactment of a new Constitution in 1978, the first presidential election was held on Oct 20, 1982. Having deprived SLFP leader Sirimavo Bandaranaike an opportunity to contest the election J.R. Jayewardene comfortably won the election. Even Hector Kobbekaduwa, who was the SLFP presidential candidate, was not spared, as someone else cast his vote before he could get to the polling station  proving what a mockery wily JRJ’s five star democracy was. Six persons, including Rohana Wijeweera contested the election. Wijeweera secured a distant position with just 273,428 votes - 4.19 % of the total polled. Lawmaker Vasudeva Nanayakkara of the Nava Samasamaja Party, now backing Gotabaya Rajapaksa, was among the six candidates. Terrorism was an issue at that time as Tamil separatist movements were engaging in deadly acts of violence.

The second presidential poll was held on Dec 19, 1988, during the deployment of the Indian Army in the Northern and Eastern Provinces. Having joined The Island as a trainee, in June 1987, the writer covered that election conducted in the Northern and Eastern Provinces under the supervision of the Indian Army. UNP candidate Ranasinghe Premadasa, the then Prime Minister of the UNP administration, won the election. Premadasa defeated SLFP leader Sirimavo Bandaranaike. Had the then proscribed JVP reached a consensus with the SLFP, Premadasa could have been definitely defeated. The JVP inspired violence facilitated Premadasa’s victory. In addition to the two main candidates - Premadasa and Bandaranaike - there was only one candidate Ossie Abeygoonasekera, who was fielded by the UNP for obvious reasons. Abeygoonasekera son now holds a government appointment having contested the last parliamentary poll in Aug 2015 on the UNP ticket. Previously, he served President Rajapaksa’s administration. In the following year, 1989 parliamentary elections in the Northern and the Eastern Provinces, too, were held under the supervision of the Indian Army. Abeygoonasekera was killed on Oct 24, 1994 in an LTTE suicide attack directed at the UNP presidential campaign rally, on the night of Oct 24, 1994.

Premadasa was assassinated on May Day 1993. His assassination brought D.B. Wijetunga to power. Wijetunga’s UNP ensured free and fair elections. Wijetunga chose not to contest but facilitated the return of dissident Gamini Dissanayake, whose re-entry deprived Ranil Wickremesinghe of an opportunity to contest the third presidential poll.

Those here for polls monitoring mission must know Sri Lanka’s wretched past.

The third presidential election held on Nov 09, 1994 comfortably won by the SLFP-led People’s Alliance candidate Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga. The LTTE ensured her victory by assassinating UNP candidate Gamini Dissanayake on Oct 24, 1994, at Thotalanga, along with Ossie Abeygoonasekera and several other top UNPers. Thereafter the UNP fielded Gamini Dissanayake’s wife, Srima, who managed just 35.91 % of the vote whereas the then Premier Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga polled 4,709,205 or 62.28%. There were altogether six candidates. Dissanayake’s assassination took place amidst talks between Kumaratunga and the LTTE. In spite of the heinous crime, Kumaratunga entered into formal negotiations soon after her victory.

Incumbent President Kumaratunga (PA) and Ranil Wickremesinghe of the UNP were the main candidates at the fourth presidential poll held on Dec 21, 1999. Kumaratunga survived a LTTE suicide attack on her final election rally in Colombo to win the election. Had the Tigers succeeded, she would have been the second presidential candidate to die during a polls campaign. Gamini Dissanayake was the first. There were altogether 13 candidates.

The fifth presidential held on Nov 17, 2005 was won by the then Premier Mahinda Rajapaksa by the narrowest of margins - just 186,000 votes. Thirteen contested the election with Mahinda Rajapaksa and UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe being the main contenders. The LTTE-TNA combine enforced polls boycott in the Northern region at that poll. Their move deprived Wickremesinghe of certain victory and, as desired by the LTTE, paved the way for an all-out war that was brought to a successful conclusion on May 19, 2009. There hadn’t been a previous instance of the LTTE teaming up with a Tamil political party/grouping represented in parliament to disrupt national elections.

Since the end of the war a decade ago, Sri Lanka held two presidential polls, in January 2010 and 2015. On both occasions, the UNP fielded - outsiders-retired war-wining Army Commander General Sarath Fonseka and Maithripala Sirisena, respectively, under the ‘swan’ symbol of the New Democratic Front (NDF). Twenty two contested the 2010 presidential whereas 19 were in the fray at the last.

In the wake of the 2015 presidential election, Maithripala Sirisena, with the support of an overwhelming majority in parliament, enacted the 19th Amendment. The new law restricted both the presidential and parliamentary terms to five each. It would be pertinent to mention that Mahinda Rajapaksa, on the advice of his associates, particularly Sumanadasa Abeygunawardena widely dubbed the royal astrologer, called the last presidential poll well over a year ahead of the schedule. Among those advised him against calling for early polls was Maithripala Sirisena before he was enticed by the UNP campaign.

The UNP, for the third time fielded a candidate on the DNF ticket - a party not represented at any level of administration, Local Government, Provincial Council or Parliament, was twice on the fray. Although its first attempt failed in 2010, the second succeeded five years later. Like on the previous occasions, the NDF success will depend on its ability to woo the minority vote amidst the ongoing controversies over the sharply down national economy, security crisis caused by Thowheed attacks, treasury bond scams as well as the move to hurriedly sign USD 480 mn Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) grant. (To be continued on Nov 20)