Inauguration of new int’l airport in north amidst demand for abolition of unitary status

SPECIAL REPORT : Part 294

October 29, 2019, 4:40 pm

by Shamindra Ferdinando

Palaly was always the centre of all security operations in the Jaffna peninsula till the military brought the Jaffna, electoral district under its control, in early 1996. Both the SLAF Palaly and the Security Forces headquarters, Jaffna, were located within the Palaly High Security area. The expansion of Palaly base began in the aftermath of the LTTE resuming hostilities in June 1990.

Legendary ground commander Vijaya Wimalaratne had been among those who functioned as the SF Commander, Jaffna. Actually Palaly had been the largest single security complex in the Northern and Eastern Provinces. Palaly linked with Kankesanthurai harbour to ensure the continuous supply of men and material to the largest single command in the Northern theatre.

Strategic Palaly remained the only air supply link to the North, during the conflict with the Navy, maintaining sea supply routes to and from Kankesanthurai et al.

Even after the military brought the Jaffna peninsula under government control, in early 1996, Palaly air base remained under missile threat and later some parts of it came within the LTTE artillery range, especially after the fall of the strategically important Elephant Pass base, in 2000. Having liberated Jaffna, in the first week of Dec 1995, the military brought the rest of the peninsula under its control, in early 1996.

The LTTE shot down two Avros, one taking off from Palaly and the second descending to land there in late April 1995 at the onset of Eelam War II. Over 100 officers and men perished.

The LTTE used shoulder-fired heat-seeking SAM missile for the first time, on April 28, 1995, though some asserted that they could have been deadly US Stinger missiles, provided by Washington to Afghan Mujahedeen to fight the Russians. Two Avros were brought down on consecutive days.

Acquisition of missile capability forced the then Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga government to review its strategy in the northern theatre of operations. There was no alternative but to expand Palaly as part of an overall strategy to deprive the LTTE from targeting aircraft, landing or taking off from Palaly. Kumaratunga ordered ‘Operation Riviresa’ to clear the Jaffna peninsula. ‘Operation Riviresa’ was the largest ever offensive undertaken by the Army up to that time. The mission, launched in August 1995, to liberate Jaffna, involved three Infantry Divisions, including the Reserve Strike Force/53 Division. The successful conclusion of ‘Operation Riviresa’ certainly enhanced security at Palaly. The Palaly-KKS overland route ensured continuous supplies to bases established south of Elephant Pass up to Kilinochchi, following ‘Operation Sath Jaya.’

Subsequently, the LTTE evicted the Army from Kilinochchi and Paranthan and the strategic Elephant Pass sector, held by a Division plus troops. Having lost Elephant Pass, in April 2000, the Army pulled back to Eluthumaduwal-Muhamalai line. The Jaffna defence line extended from Kilali to Nargarkovil on the Vadamaratchchy east coast via Muhamalai. Essentially, this forward defence line remained till the conventional LTTE fighting capability collapsed in Dec 2008-January 2009 in the Vanni mainland.

The fall of Kilinochchi, in early January 2009, immediately after the re-opening of the Elephant Pass causeway, led to the collapse of the remaining LTTE combat power, by the third week of May 2009. An unprecedented ‘double encirclement’ achieved by the 58 and 53 Divisions at Anandapuram, in April 2009, hastened the LTTE’s collapse. The LTTE lost as many as 600 cadres, including some of their experienced commanders, including Velayuthapillai Baheerathakumar alias Theepan, who was overall commander of all LTTE units on the northern front. The rest is history.

Post-war deployment

of northern forces

Destruction of the LTTE’s conventional military power enabled the then government to review wartime security measures in place in the Northern Province. However, the Army retained the Jaffna deployment. The Jaffna deployment underwent a drastic change in January 2009 when two infantry Divisions, 53 and 55, under the then Major General Kamal Gunaratne and Brigadier Prasanna Silva, entered the Vanni mainland. Their push southwards across Elephant Pass was facilitated by the then Brigadier Shavendra Silva’s celebrated Task Force I /58 Division attacking the LTTE northern defence line. With Jaffna-based 53 and 55 Divisions entering the Vanni, the Jaffna deployment dropped sharply.

At the time now retired Major General Mahinda Hathurusinghe took over Jaffna command on December 7, 2009, six months after the conclusion of the war, the army had 27,000 personnel deployed in the Jaffna peninsula.

The phased withdrawal of the Jaffna HSZ began on Oct. 28th, 2010 with troops vacating a part of Vasavilan. In the second stage, troops handed over Ilavali North, Ilavali North West and Viththakapuram. Troops, gave up Naguleshwaram, Telippalai, Thanneiselvapuram, Maviddapuram, Maviddapuram South, Palaivikaman North, Palaivikaman South and Kadduvan West, on May, 9, 2011, in the third stage.

In the next stage, troops vacated Kurumpasiddy and Kurumpasiddy East on October 6, 2011. The final stage paved the way for civilians to return to Valalai and Ideikadu on November 29, 2011.

At the time the fighting was brought to an end, the military held 4,096 hectares in the Jaffna peninsula. The Rajapaksa government returned more land before the last presidential election. President Maithripala Sirisena and Premier Ranil Wickremesinghe, too, released Jaffna land since January 2015. With the gradual handing over of land, the Army deployment in the Jaffna peninsula, too, was correspondingly reduced, though the bases in the Jaffna peninsula and the Vanni mainland constituted comprehensive strength to meet any eventuality.

In line with overall security deployment, the Navy and the Air Force, too, effected changes. The Navy northern command is located at KKS with separate facilities available for SLN whereas the civilian sector is being now developed with Indian financial assistance and expertise. Sri Lanka finalized an agreement with New Delhi, in January 2018, to develop the KKS harbour. This was done about 09 months before President Maithripala Sirisena quit the UNP-led government after having sacked Premier Ranil Wickremesinghe. In spite of appointing Mahinda Rajapaksa as the Premier on Oct 26, 2018, President Sirisena couldn’t sustain the operation. A dejected President was compelled to reappoint Wickremesinghe premier in the wake of their failure to prove a simple majority in parliament.

Sri Lanka and India signed an agreement to provide a loan amounting $ 45.27 million (Rs. 6.9 billion) to upgrade the KKS harbour.

Finance and Mass Media Ministry Secretary Dr. R.H.S. Samaratunga and Export-Import Bank of India Managing Director David Rasquinha signed the agreement in New Delhi.

"Transforming promises into reality, India extends additional financial assistance of Rs. 6.9 billion to upgrade KKS Harbour in Sri Lanka. Agreement signed in New Delhi today," the Indian High Commission in Colombo said in a Twitter post.

In July 2011 Sri Lanka and India signed a Memorandum of Understanding to develop the KKS port under an agreement the two countries had reached during the visit of the then President Mahinda Rajapaksa to India in June 2010.

The Cabinet in May 2018 approved Premier Wickremesinghe’s proposal to enter into a loan agreement with the Indian EXIM Bank for $ 45.27 million to develop the harbour.

Today the Jaffna deployment is perhaps less than one third of the total deployed there at the height of the war, before January 2009.

Civilian airport in Palaly

Outgoing President Maithripala Sirisena and Premier Wickremesinghe, on Oct 17, 2019, ceremonially inaugurated the Jaffna International Airport, within the area coming under the purview of SLAF Palaly. The vast majority of Sri Lankans did not even realize that the civilian operation meant to share the runway currently used by the SLAF. The commissioning of the airport was marked by a flight belonging to Alliance-Air, a subsidiary of Air India, landing there. In spite of the inauguration, regular flights between India and Sri Lanka are yet to be finalized.

SLAF deployment there will continue to be, whereas the civilian section, named as Jaffna International Airport, will run parallel to it. The arrangements as regards the using of the runway as well as other facilities will be similar to that in place at Ratmalana.

At the onset those responsible for the Jaffna International Airport sought to take over SLAF facilities for the civilian project. The SLAF strongly opposed the move. The SLAF asserted that though assistance could be provided, the civilian project shouldn’t be a hindrance to SLAF Palaly which is of pivotal importance to Sri Lanka’s overall security needs. The opening of Palaly should be studied against the backdrop of the Easter Sunday carnage - the single worst terrorist operation the country has faced.

The Easter Sunday suicide bombing campaign underscored the need to re-examine security. Those responsible for security should examine whether the National Thowheed Jamaat (NTJ), responsible for the Easter Sunday carnage, made an abortive bid to carry out an operation, also in northern Sri Lanka. This should be the priority against the backdrop of the NTJ attack on a Batticaloa Church. Sri Lanka should be grateful to India for providing specific information regarding the impending attack though our irresponsible political, police and military leaders couldn’t thwart the operation. However, the level of Indian infiltration of the NTJ, too, should be a matter of concern to Sri Lanka as Indian Intelligence seemed to be far more concerned about developments here than our own. The level of Indian infiltration of the NTJ or whatever you may call it, certainly was astonishing and frightening.

Sri Lanka needs to ensure highest possible security at the Jaffna International Airport in line with standards adopted at the Bandaranaike International Airport (BIA). Sri Lanka shouldn’t lower its guard, under any circumstances. The government should guarantee BIA standards at the Jaffna International Airport before commencement of regular flights from South India. Jaffna International Airport should be linked to the BIA and the entire range of agencies, including the State Intelligence positioned there, before the newly inaugurated airport can receive flights from South India.

India spearheaded the Jaffna International Airport project as the UNP and President Sirisena clashed over the implementation of it. The then Transport and Civil Aviation Minister Nimal Siripala de Silva publicly declared President Sirisena’s decision to implement it on our own. But, that Sirisena promise, too, was meant to be broken. As finally President Sirisena took the credit for clinching an agreement with India and Japan in respect of Eastern Container Terminal (ECT) of the Colombo port having initially refused to involve India.

In the absence of a proper security set up, the Jaffna International Airport can be exploited by those seeking illegal entry. Maintaining airport security apparatus is as important as naval patrols this side of the Indo-Lanka maritime boundary.

New challenges

Sri Lanka paid a huge price for neglecting security after the last presidential election. In the immediate aftermath of the Easter Sunday carnage, some members of the four-party Tamil National Alliance (TNA) called for greater military presence in the north, though they quickly hanged their stance. Then TNA heavyweight Jaffna District lawmaker M. A. Sumanthiran, PC justified the Easter Sunday carnage. The President’s Counsel had no qualms in justifying horrific crime, just a week after near simultaneous seven suicide blasts claimed the lives of 270 people. Over 400 received injuries.

Lawmaker Sumanthiran and the leader of Illankai Thamil Arasu Kadchi (ITAK) Mavai Senathiraja were among those invited for the inauguration of the new airport. Senathiraja was a signatory of a recent controversial policy document, released in Jaffna, following consultations among five northern political parties. The grouping included the ITAK-led TNA. The grouping demanded the abolition of Sri Lanka’s unitary status to pave the way for a federal structure, re-merger of the Eastern Province with the North et al. The 13-point policy statement was nothing but a proposal for the division of the country, on ethnic lines. Having backed the LTTE, until the very end, in May 2009, the TNA-led grouping is now pushing for Federal structure encompassing the Northern and Eastern Provinces.

Perhaps, their demands were meant to be rejected by both leading candidates, Sajith Premadasa (New Democratic Front/ symbol swan) and Gotabaya Rajapaksa (Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna/symbol lotus bud) as well as Anura Kumara Dissanayake contesting under the symbol compass to enable them to shun the Nov 16, 2019 poll. Both Sajith Premadasa and Gotabaya Rajapaksa have categorically denied that they would ever give in to such demands.

The TNA will pursue its strategy to isolate Sri Lanka. While seeking international support to win its demands, the TNA will seek to enhance its power in the next parliament. The TNA parliamentary group consists of 16 members, though two of them no longer received instructions from TNA hierarchy. Regardless of the outcome at the presidential poll, the TNA will push for the maximum number of seats in the Northern and Eastern Provinces at the next general election. Since the formation of the TNA, in late 2001, the grouping contested several general elections, with the April 2004 being its best performance. The LTTE helped the TNA to secure 22 seats at that election. In today’s environment, the TNA will find it difficult to secure at least a similar number of seats won at the last general election, let alone better its best performance achieved in 2004.

The TNA threw its weight behind the UNP-led coalition that backed war-winning Army Chief, the then Gen. Sarath Fonseka and Maithripala Sirisena at the 2010 and 2015 presidential polls.

Whoever wins the coming presidential election, Sri Lanka faces the daunting task of averting stepped up pressure on various fronts. Ensuring security will be of paramount importance. But guaranteeing security will only be one critical factor in having stability denied due to the negligence on the part of political and military leaderships.

The Parliamentary Select Committee (PSC) that inquired into the Easter Sunday carnage, in its report revealed the pathetic state of affairs at the highest level of political and security establishments entrusted with the security of the State.

Army Chief faulted over inclusion of Dec 2009 statement in GR ad

... faces up to three years in jail and a fine

SPECIAL REPORT : Part 293

October 22, 2019, 9:26 pm

A smiling Army Chief Lt. Gen. Shavendra Silva at the 36th anniversary celebrations of the celebrated Gajaba Regiment on Oct 14, 2019 at Saliyapura, Anuradhapura. The celebrations, at Saliyapura, took place amidst furore over a statement made a decade ago (pic courtesy Army hq)

By Shamindra Ferdinando

The New Democratic Front (NDF) recently found fault with Army Chief Lt. Gen. Shavendra Silva for endorsing war-winning Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa for the Nov 16, 2019 presidential election - the third since the successful conclusion of the war, in May 2009.

During Eelam War IV (Aug 2006-May 2009) the then Brigadier Shavendra Silva, commanded the celebrated Task Force I/58 Division. Silva's Division battled the LTTE across Vanni, from West to the East, until the very end of the largest ever ground offensive, conducted by the Army.

Non cabinet minister and attorney-at-law Ajith P. Perera complained to Election Commission (EC) regarding the Army Commander playing politics, in the run-up to the crucial poll. The complaint was made on Oct 14, 2019 regarding an advertisement, appearing in the Oct 13, 2019 edition of Sunday newspapers.

Having received the complaint, the EC acted swiftly and decisively. The EC sought an immediate explanation from the Army Chief.

The Army's Chief's endorsement of Gotabaya Rajapaksa's candidature was raised at a media briefing, on Oct 16, 2019, called by the EC, comprising its Chairman Mahinda Deshapriya, Prof. Ratnajeevan Hoole and Anil Abeysekera, PC, at the Election Secretariat.

On the following day, the AFP dealt with the Army Chief's statement, at issue, in a story headlined 'Army Chief sparks uproar over political advertisement.' The Island, too, carried the AFP report on our front page, on Oct 17, 2019.

The following is the full text: Army Commander Lieutenant General Shavendra Silva came under fire yesterday after apparently endorsing Gotabaya Rajapaksa for next month’s presidential election, a day after the front-running candidate vowed to scrap a UN-sanctioned probe into alleged war crimes.

The November 16 elections have revived debate about the end of a long-running bloody separatist conflict, with Army troops accused of massacring up to 40,000 civilians, in 2009, while crushing the LTTE. 

The Elections Commission said it wanted Lt. Gen. Shavendra Silva to explain his appearance, in full-page newspaper advertisements supporting Rajapaksa, who was Defence Secretary at the time of the alleged atrocities.

The advertisements, quoted Silva as saying, Rajapaksa was "extremely efficient" and "addressed the urgent need of the security forces...during the final stages of the conflict".

"It is an election law violation for a serving military officer to endorse a candidate and engage in political activity," Election Commission Chairman Mahinda Deshapriya said.

Silva could face up to three years in jail and a fine over the advertisements.

Rajapaksa’s campaign team denied being behind the adverts, although they appeared with party colours in a newspaper that openly supports him.

There was no immediate comment from Silva.

Rajapaksa said Tuesday that if elected he would not honour commitments made to the UN by a previous government to investigate alleged atrocities committed while he was Defence Secretary, during his brother Mahinda Rajapaksa’s decade as president.

At that time, Silva was a brigadier leading a relentless military thrust against the LTTE, which started from the Mannar rice bowl, and was known to be closely associated with the Rajapaksas.

Silva’s appointment, in August, sparked international outrage because of his links to alleged war crimes, and the UN suspended the recruitment of Sri Lankan troops for peacekeeping duties.

Furore over Dec. 2009 statement

The allegation regarding 40,000 killed has been factually countered with the help of accounts given by Western Defence attaches who served in Colombo at the time and even unofficial UN and ICRC accounts. Moreover, respected British peer Lord Naseby, through the use of the British Right to Information Act, has obtained highly redacted British Defence Attaché’s dispatches from Colombo, clearly proving otherwise.  

The statement at issue had been made on Dec 28, 2009 at an event organized by the Sri Lanka Insurance at the Taj Exotica. At that time, Silva had functioned as the GoC of the 58 Division, a principal fighting formation, deployed in the Vanni. Silva, had recalled how the then Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa immediately dispatched containers fitted with heaters for the use of officers and men fighting in the rain. At the time that speech was delivered, war-winning Army Chief Sarath Fonseka, having quit the post of CDS, on Dec 01, 2009, had challenged the incumbent President Mahinda Rajapaksa. In fact, at the time the Taj Exotica event was held, seeking Presidential Office was certainly not in his wildest dreams. The statement at issue had been included in a full page advertisement which featured four brief comments made by Admiral of the Fleet Wasantha Karanngoda, in Feb 2009, in his capacity as the Commander of the Navy, Marshal of Air Force Roshan Goonatileke, in March 2009, in his capacity as the Commander of the Air Force, and Gen. Daya Ratnayake, in March 2015, and Lt. Gen. Shavendra Silva, in Dec 2009, in his capacity as the General Officer Commanding 58 Division.

But, Lt. Gen. Silva has been accused of throwing his weight behind Gotabaya Rajapaksa, immediately after the SLPP candidate declared, at a packed media briefing, at Shangri-La, on Oct 15, 2019, he would not, under any circumstances, respect the highly controversial  Geneva Resolution, co-sponsored by the government, on Oct 01, 2015. The accusers conveniently forgot Gotabaya Rajapaksa held his inaugural media briefing two days after the full page newspaper advertisement that endorsed the one-time Gajaba Regiment veteran.

Contrary to accusations, Sri Lanka hadn't been found fault in Geneva at the time Shavendra Silva commented on Gotabaya Rajapaksa's qualities. It would be pertinent to mention that a Panel of Experts (PoE), appointed by the then UN Chief Ban ki-moon, released its report on March 31, 2011. The report accused the Army of massacring 40,000 civilians in the final phase of the offensive, as referred to in the AFP report.

Having faulted the Army on three major counts, the PoE accused Sri Lanka of massacring at least 40,000 civilians. Let me reproduce the paragraph, bearing no 137, verbatim: "In the limited surveys that have been carried out in the aftermath of the conflict, the percentage of people reporting dead relatives is high. A number of credible sources have estimated that there could have been as many as 40,000 civilian deaths. Two years after the end of the war, there is no reliable figure for civilian deaths, but multiple sources of information indicate that a range of up to 40,000 civilian deaths cannot be ruled out at this stage. Only a proper investigation can lead to the identification of all of the victims and to the formulation of an accurate figure for the total number of civilian deaths."

Fonseka receives TNA endorsement

In spite of the Army being widely accused of deliberately targeting civilians, the four-party Tamil National Alliance (TNA) endorsed General Sarath Fonseka as the common candidate at the January 2010 presidential poll. Having recognized the LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakaran as the sole representative of the Tamil speaking people, the TNA, at the behest of the US, threw its weight behind Sarath Fonseka. Direct US role in coalition building in Sri Lanka would never have come to light if not for Wiki Leaks. The disclosure of a confidential cable, sent from the US mission, in Colombo, to the State Department in the run–up to the fifth presidential poll, exposed foreign interference at the highest level. Those who demanded an explanation from Lt. Gen. Silva for inclusion of a brief statement he made a decade ago, in an advertisement published in support of Gotabaya Rajapaksa, never bothered at least to inquire about US interference. The writer never received a proper answer from the Election Department/EC though the issue was raised on several occasions.

Thanks to the TNA backing, General Fonseka overwhelmingly won all electoral districts in the northern and eastern provinces, though Mahinda Rajapaksa won the contest by a staggering 1.8 mn votes. The Illankai Thamil Arasu Kadchi (ITAK) led TNA included former terrorist groups sponsored by India, namely the TELO, PLOTE and the EPRLF.

The TNA never explained as to why the outfit threw its weight behind the war-winning General after having accused his Army of indiscriminate killings.

 The 2010 coalition, that backed Fonseka, comprised the UNP, the JVP, the TNA and the SLMC. Fonseka was fielded on the NDF ticket under the 'swan' symbol.

The Rajapaksas never bothered to examine the larger picture that in a way facilitated the despicable projects undertaken by various interested parties. Their failure paved the way for the same coalition, under the same symbol, to field Maithripala Sirisena at the last presidential poll. Sirisena, a longtime General Secretary of the SLFP ,polled 6.2 mn votes to thwart a determined bid by Mahinda Rajapaksa to secure a third term. Twice President Rajapaksa managed to obtain 5.8 mn votes.

Having backed Fonseka and Sirisena at the 2010 and 2015 presidential polls, the TNA has declared 13 pre-conditions to extend its support to leading candidates Sajith Premadasa (NDF) and Gotabaya Rajapaksa (SLPP) at the forthcoming poll.

Among their demands are a federal constitution, at the expense of Sri Lanka's unitary status, and exclusive foreign investigation into accountability issues.

The following is the text of the statement issued by the political grouping, through the Jaffna University students:

Having realized that the final solution to the longstanding Tamil Ethnic issue, which has remained in the Island of Sri Lanka as an unresolved National Question for several decades and been the cause for the war, which extended for over three decades, would be the

1. Acceptance of the political aspirations of the Tamil Nation;

2. Recognition of the merged Northern and Eastern Provinces as the historical habitat and the traditional homelands of the Tamil Nation;

3. Acknowledgment of the sovereignty of the Tamil Nation and

4. Realization of the fact that the Tamil People, under the provisions of International Law, are entitled to the right of self-determination, accordingly the creation of federal rule in the merged Northern and Eastern Provinces, would be our considered Political standpoint.

With the hope and expectation that a final solution to the continuing problems faced by the Tamils consequent to the effects of the concluded war and yet continuing effects of such war, could be found, we the members of Political Parties that represent the Tamil People do hereby submit hereunder to the Presidential Candidates representing major Political Parties and to their respective Party Leadership the following requests -

1. A solution to the Sri Lankan Tamil issue must be found by setting up a new federal constitution rejecting the heretofore unitary constitution accepting the nationhood of the Sri Lankan Tamils and recognizing its sovereignty and also accepting that Tamils under the provisions of International Law are entitled to the right of self-determination.

2. Full-fledged independent impartial International mechanisms through the International Criminal Court /International Arbitration Tribunal must be set up to inquire into the War Crimes and Crimes against Humanity and Genocide committed during the final stages of the war.

3. The Prevention of Terrorism Act must be withdrawn.

4. (Consequently) All Tamil Political Prisoners must be freed unconditionally.

5. Justice must be found for those affected by the enforced disappearance of persons through appropriate International mechanisms.

6. The Governmental Forces occupying private and state lands / buildings in the Northern and Eastern Province which were occupied by Tamils before the war must be withdrawn, the lands released and resettlement process must be immediately set in motion.

7. Sinhalization, Buddhistization and Sinhala Colonization taking place in the Northern and Eastern Provinces presently with State assistance must be stopped immediately.

8. Since the Mahaweli Development Authority is engaged in planned Sinhala Colonization in the Northern Province under the pretext of redirecting the Mahaweli River to the North, the jurisdiction of the said Authority in the Northern Province must forthwith be terminated. Also the planned Sinhala Colonization taking place in the Eastern Province under the Mahaweli Development Scheme must also be terminated.

9. The Moragaskande Irrigation Scheme recently introduced is indulging in planned Sinhala Colonization in the Vanni Region. All such Sinhala Colonization must forthwith be terminated.

10. The expropriation of lands and areas of religious worship by Government Departments including Archeology Department, Wild Life Department, Forests’ Department must forthwith be stopped. Those lands and places of worship already expropriated through these Departments must be freed from the effect of the Gazette Notifications which so expropriated them.

11.Those affected in the Northern and Eastern Provinces by the War, wanting to economically improve themselves or youth wanting to enhance their job opportunities receiving direct investments from our Diaspora and elsewhere must have all legal obstacles faced removed so that handling lands and finances here would be easy and quick.

12.Priority must be given to those belonging to the Northern and Eastern Provinces in Governmental and Private Sector job opportunities in the said two Provinces.

13.An independent mechanism must be set up under the supervision of Elected Representatives of the people of the Northern and Eastern Provinces to handle all finances for Development in the said two Provinces, after proclaiming the Northern and Eastern Provinces as areas affected by the War.

How to tackle TNA strategy?

The Tamil grouping threat should be examined against the backdrop of the same lot ordering the northern electorate not to exercise their franchise at the Nov 2005 presidential election. The TNA, on behalf of the LTTE, issued the directive, in Kilinochchi, about a week ahead of the Nov 17, 2005 poll. They confirmed their decision when the writer raised the issue with the late Batticaloa District MP Joseph Pararajasingham and Trincomalee District lawmaker R. Sampanthan.

The announcement was made on Nov 10, 2005 after the LTTE and the TNA leaders held talks in Kilinochchi. Confirming the LTTE -TNA decision, Pararajasingham and Sampanthan told the writer, on the night of November 15, 2005, that nothing worthwhile could be achieved by supporting either of the two leading candidates (TNA refuses to change polls boycott stance-The Island November 16, 2005).

The government allowed the TNA to proceed with its joint strategy with the LTTE. The Rajapaksa administration, and those state arms responsible for ensuring the public right to vote, did absolutely nothing to thwart LTTE-TNA project. The TNA was never asked to explain its despicable conduct though today its top leadership acts as if the LTTE never existed. Having challenged the two major parties to sacrifice post-war Sri Lanka's unitary status for political gain, ITAK leader Mavai Senathiraja MP, and top TNA spokesman President's Counsel M.A. Sumanthiran, MP, joined President Sirisena and Premier Wickremesinghe at the opening of the Jaffna International Airport, on Oct 17, 2019. President Sirisena and Premier Wickremesinghe should respond to the TNA's challenge. President Sirisena's SLFP finalized two agreements - one with the SLPP and another with SLPP presidential candidate Gotabaya Rajapaksa. The UNP leads a coalition backing Sajith Premadasa. Both parties should reveal their stand on the controversial 13-point plan meant to divide the country on ethnic lines. Both groups, under any circumstances, cannot make commitments on such far reaching proposals to secure the support of the Tamil electorate. It would be the responsibility of the EC to ensure the Tamil grouping didn't interfere/hinder the right of the Tamil people to exercise their franchise. Election monitoring groups and the civil society, too, should take tangible measures to prevent the TNA led grouping advancing its political strategy at the expense of voters right.

Sri Lanka did nothing to prevent the LTTE-TNA combine preventing the Tamil electorate exercising their franchise at the 2005 presidential poll. At the general election in April previous year, the TNA won 22 seats, thanks to the LTTE unleashing violence on rival political parties. Don't forget at that time, the LTTE functioned as the sole representative of Tamil speaking people - a title it relinquished involuntarily six years later on the banks of the Nanthikadal lagoon as it was crushed militarily.

2019 prez poll: A high profile role for Sarath Fonseka

SPECIAL REPORT : Part 292

October 15, 2019, 8:29 pm

By Shamindra Ferdinando

The UNP-led coalition on, Oct. 10, declared Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka, MP, would be appointed as the minister in charge of defence portfolio, in case UNP Deputy Leader Sajith Premadasa won the Nov. 16 presidential election, followed by the parliamentary election next year.

Sajith Premadasa made the announcement at the inauguration of his costly campaign at Galle Face. Fonseka was on stage with Premadasa, who is contesting the crucial poll – the third presidential since the conclusion of the war in May 2009 - under the ‘swan’ symbol of the New Democratic Front (NDF).

The UNP-led coalition, comprising the TNA, JVP and SLMC contested the two previous presidential polls, also on the NDF ticket. The JVP is no longer in the UNP-led coalition, while the TNA still weighs its options. Many an eyebrow has been raised over the TNA’s readiness, even to explore the possibility of reaching an understanding with the SLPP presidential candidate, war time defence secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa. Sajith Premadasa has no option but to reach new alliances with political parties, civil society groups and even individuals, such as war-winning Army Chief Sarath Fonseka.

Sajith Premadasa and the coalition backing him revealed that unprecedented measures were required to strengthen his campaign. Gotabaya Rajapaksa is certainly a tough contender, though he lacked political experience at any level. Although, there had been four presidential elections, during the conflict, no party felt the need to name a future defence minister. However, Sajith Premadasa did, in line with the NDF’s overall strategy, to deprive Gotabaya Rajapaksa the advantage of being considered the only candidate capable of guaranteeing security.

Interestingly, Sajith Premadasa, in spite of being asked by the media, on more than one occasion, refrained from naming the prime ministerial candidate.

The announcement on Fonseka’s appointment should be examined against the backdrop of the worst ever security lapse, on the part of a post-independence government, in April 2019, that led to near simultaneous suicide attacks in six locations. The blasts claimed the lives of approximately 270 men, women and children. About 500 received injuries. The Easter Sunday carnage caused irreparable losses to the national economy. Fonseka wouldn’t have received privilege status if not for the Easter Sunday carnage.

Similarly, former Army Commander General Mahesh Senanayake, also in the presidential fray, cannot absolve himself of the responsibility for the security failure. The Parliamentary Select Committee (PSC), tasked to probe the Easter Sunday carnage, never sought to establish the failure on the part of the Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI) to thwart the coordinated suicide attacks. Instead, the then Army Chief faulted the Chief of National Intelligence (CNI) retired DIG Sisira Mendis of not making available intelligence provided by India. The PSC never addressed the failure on the part of the DMI to abort the suicide missions, in spite of the group responsible for the Easter Sunday carnage killing two police officers in Nov 2018 at Vaunativu, Batticaloa.

Post-2018 LG poll politics

Sarath Fonseka, too, seriously believed that he would get a second opportunity to contest a presidential election, this year. With the UNP in turmoil, in the wake of the Feb 2018 debacle at the Local Government polls, Fonseka asserted that he could be the right candidate. However, Fonseka always insisted that their presidential candidate should be the leader of the party. In other words, the former Army Chief backed Ranil Wickremesinghe’s candidature as long as he remained the leader of the party. The tough-talking war hero reiterated his position as Wickremesinghe and Premadasa battled for presidential nominations, with the influential civil society throwing its weight behind Speaker Karu Jayasuriya.

Even after the decision-making UNP Working Committee ratified Sajith Premadasa, Sarath Fonseka remained skeptical. However, Fonseka has been brought in to the campaign with the decision makers reaching consensus on the former Sinha Regiment veteran’s political future.

The Oct 10 announcement, on Fonseka’s future role, certainly didn’t have an impact on the Elpitiya Pradeshiya Sabha election, held the following day. Of course, the Elpitiya electorate hadn’t been really affected by the overall deterioration of security, in the wake of the Easter Sunday attacks. Therefore, Fonseka’s appointment did not jolt the Elpitiya electorate. But, the UNP-led coalition should certainly inquire as to why the much-touted ‘Gamperaliya’ and ‘Enterprise Sri Lanka,’ launched in the wake of the Feb 2018 Local Government debacle, failed to influence the Elpitiya electorate.

The SLPP comfortably won all 17 polling divisions in Elpitiya. The UNP, UPFA and the JVP couldn’t win even one seat. They had to be satisfied with nominated members.

Can Fonseka inspire the electorate? The civil society grouping, backing Sajith Premadasa’s candidature, too, is confident there cannot be a better person to be in charge of defence portfolio than the one-time outspoken Army Chief. The writer covered the civil society media briefing, at Rajagiriya last week, where Ven. Dambara Amila, Prof. Chandragupta Thenuwara and Saman Ratnapriya declared their support for Fonseka. Their stand seemed odd. They flayed wartime Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa for excesses during the conflict, and after (2009-2015), but found Fonseka, who commanded the victorious Army (accused of flagrant human rights abuses), the ideal politician to handle the defence portfolio.

The civil society has conveniently forgotten that the incumbent government co-sponsored a resolution against one’s own country, in Geneva, in early Oct 2015, on the basis of unsubstantiated allegations, directed at the Army, during Fonseka’s tenure as its celebrated commander. The writer, on many occasions, on both print and electronic media, pointed out the Geneva Resolution should be re-examined against the backdrop of Fonseka receiving the backing of the four-party TNA, at the January 2010 presidential poll. Thanks to TNA’s support, Fonseka comfortably won all the predominately Tamil speaking electoral districts, in the de-merged Northern and Eastern provinces, including Digamadulla. In spite of a splendid performance, in the Northern and Eastern regions, Fonseka suffered heavy defeat in other areas. Mahinda Rajapaksa defeated Fonseka by over 1.8 mn votes.

The TNA consists of the Illankai Thamil Arasu Kadchi (ITAK) and three former terrorist organizations, namely the TELO, PLOTE and EPRLF.

Now, the 16-member TNA parliamentary group is sharply divided, with one-time TELO lawmaker M.K. Sivajilingam handing over nominations to contest the presidential poll. The UNP anticipated the TNA to quickly reiterate its commitment to Sajith Premadasa’s candidature. But, much to the disappointment of the UNP-led coalition, the TNA appeared to have delayed its decision. A section of the TNA expressed shock and dismay over the readiness of the party, even to discuss a poll alliance with the wartime Defence Secretary.

UNP National List slot for defeated Fonseka

Having fielded Fonseka, at the January 2010 presidential poll, the UNP showed absolutely no interest in reaching a consensus, with the defeated candidate to contest the parliamentary election. Fonseka was compelled to contest the April 2010 general election, on the Democratic National Alliance (DNA) ticket. The DNA comprised the JVP, Democratic National Front, Democratic United National Front, People’s Tamil Congress et al. The DNA won seven seats. In addition to Fonseka, the then SLFPer Arjuna Ranatunga, and influential businessman Tiran Alles (National List) entered parliament along with four JVPers, including Anura Kumara Dissanayake. Today, Dissanayake is among 35 candidates in the presidential fray. It would be pertinent to mention that defeated Fonseka was arrested on Feb 8, 2010, in the run-up to the general election. The war-winning Army Chief was later jailed, by a court martial, and vacated his seat on 7 October 2010. After a failed legal battle, to retain his MP status, he was replaced by DNA member Jayantha Ketagoda, on 8 March 2011. Subsequently, Fonseka received a presidential pardon, in May 2012, after he reached an agreement with the then administration.

Fonseka strongly believed he could make a difference with his own political outfit. Fonseka contested the August 2015 general election, on the Democratic Party ticket, after having contested the Provincial Council polls in several regions. The DP failed to impress the electorate, at the Provincial Council polls. But, Fonseka persisted. One-time Chief of Defence Staff contested the August 2015 general election on the Democratic Party ticket, having backed Maithripala Sirisena at the presidential. The electorate rejected Fonseka’s party. Fonseka failed to enter parliament from the Colombo district. The Democratic Party failed to secure even one seat.

At the January 2015 presidential election, Fonseka didn’t enjoy the right to exercise his franchise.

The UNP accommodated Fonseka, on its National List, in early Feb 2016. Fonseka got the seat of late M.K.D.S. Gunawardena in paliament. By then, he had received the Five-star Field Marshal’s rank. Fonseka received the Field Marshal’s baton, in March 2015, whereas his wartime colleagues Wasantha Karannagoda and Roshan Goonatilleke had to wait till August 2019 to receive the equivalent rank.

Fonseka served as Regional Development Minister and Wildlife and Sustainable Development from 2016 and 2018.

Fonseka served as a cabinet minister at the time the UNP and the SLFP suffered a humiliating defeat at the Feb 2018 Local Government polls.

Fonseka earns President’s wrath

Fonseka lost his Wildlife portfolio when President Maithripala Sirisena sacked the UNP members of the cabinet, including UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe on Oct 26, 2018. President Sirisena perpetrated the constitutional coup after his UPFA quit the UNP-led coalition. Although, President Sirisena swore in a UNP cabinet, in mid Dec 2018, he steadfastly refused to accommodate Fonseka in the cabinet.

By then, Fonseka had been also embroiled in an alleged conspiracy to harm President Sirisena and former Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa though the accusations weren’t proved in any court of law.

The civil society grouping made a desperate attempt to save the UNP-SLFP/UPFA alliance, though the UPFA was on the offensive. Three leading civil society activists, co-convenors of Purawesi Balaya Gamini Viyangoda, K.W. Janaranjana and Saman Ratnapriya, explained their efforts after having met President Sirisena and Premier Wickremesinghe. They declared the civil society received assurance from both President Sirisena and Premier Wickremesinghe that they wouldn’t quit the yahapalana alliance over the Local Government polls debacle (Last ditch attempt to prevent collapse of govt-The Island Feb 14, 2018).

That grouping feared President Sirisena’s stepped up attacks on Premier Wickremesinghe could derail the yahapalana project. Amidst their attempts to save the government, the Joint Opposition alleged that the US and India, too, were involved in the effort.

A few days, after the civil society briefing at the Centre for Society and Religion (CSR), Maradana, on Feb 13, 2018, Purawesi Balaya called a second press briefing, at the same venue, where the outfit intensified pressure on President Sirisena to name Field Marshal Fonseka as the Law and Order Minister. The demand was made on the basis that the failure on the part of the government to bring high profile investigations into a successful conclusion, contributed to the Feb 2018 Local Government polls debacle. The writer, present at both briefings, at the CSR, was quite surprised to hear yahapalana proponent Ven. Dambara Amila declaring, at the second press briefing, that the police, under Fonseka, should be allowed to operate outside, what he called, democratic norms. Purawesi Balaya made the declaration in the wake of the then Law and Order Minister Sagala Ratnayake offering to quit. Some propagated the blatant lie that the UNP and the SLFP suffered a massive defeat, at the Local Government polls, for want of inconclusive investigations into bigwigs of the previous administration.

Ven. Amila didn’t mince his words when he advised the government to operate beyond the normal laws of the land, as the Rajapaksas were planning to cause chaos in the aftermath of the Local Government polls.

Among those who addressed the media, at the second CSR meeting, were Director of Centre of Policy Alternatives, Dr. Pakiasothy Saravanamuttu, Nimalka Fernando (now a member of a Commission established in accordance with the Geneva Resolution), Chameera Perera and Saman Ratnapriya.

Ven. Amila wanted Fonseka given six months to carry out the operation (Prez, PM urged to appoint SF Law and Order Minister with strap line Ven Amila: Give him six months. Place Army on standby’-The Island Feb. 16, 2018). President Sirisena simply turned down the civil society request, made on behalf of the UNP. President Sirisena, furious over the treasury bond scams that caused serious damage to his government, rejected the UNP-civil society move.

President Sirisena’s refusal to accommodate Fonseka in the cabinet, under any circumstances, ultimately forced Premier Wickremesinghe to take over the Law and Order portfolio temporarily. Subsequently, the ministry was vested in UNP senior Ranjith Madduma Bandara, who held the post at the time President Sirisena sacked the cabinet in late Oct 2018.

Law and Oder portfolio was never returned to the UNP.

A failed bid to seek consensus with Prez

Having failed to secure the Law and Order Ministry for Fonseka, the UNP-civil society combine has now promised the war-winning Army Chief defence portfolio. Perhaps, those really interested in examining the lapses on the part of the government, since January 2015, should probe as to why the current dispensation became so unpopular. Having secured presidential nominations, following a big battle with Wickremesinghe’s group, Sajith Premadasa made a serious attempt to reach a consensus with President Sirisena. Premadasa failed, primarily due to the majority of President Sirisena’s parliamentary group backing SLPP candidate Gotabaya Rajapaksa.

Those who expected Fonseka to save the UNP should be reminded of as to how his military career would have ended, in Dec 2005, if not for Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s intervention on his behalf. Fonseka, whose principled stand as the Security Forces Commander, Jaffna, in 2002/2003, thwarted an LTTE/Norway bid to weaken Jaffna defences by doing away with high security zones in the guise of restoring normalcy, was to retire. In case of Ranil Wickremesinghe’s victory at the Non 2005 presidential poll, the then Army Commander Lt. Gen. Shantha Kottegoda would have continued as he had about 18 months to serve. But, on the recommendation of Gotabaya Rajapaksa, President Rajapaksa replaced Lt. Gen. Kottegoda in spite of him assuring the Defence Secretary that he could achieve whatever task given. But, Gotabaya Rajapaksa was determined to bring in Fonseka, though many, including ex-military officers, known to him, questioned the then Army Chief of Staff’s loyalty. Gotabaya Rajapaksa, having received the position of Defence Secretary, requested President Rajapaksa to promote the then Maj. Gen. Fonseka to the rank of Lt. General and name him the Commander of the Army. This intervention was due to Gotabaya Rajapaksa accidentally meeting Fonseka, at Hambantota, during the presidential election campaign. Fonseka had personally requested Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s intervention on his behalf as he felt one time Commanding Officer of the 1st battalion of the Gajaba Regiment could influence Mahinda Rajapaksa in case the latter won the presidential poll.

Fonseka remained a key member of the Rajapaksa’s defence team that brought the LTTE to its knees in May 2009.

Thereafter the UNP exploited Fonseka’s animosity, towards the Rajapaksas, to field him as 2010 presidential candidate. The move was to deprive Mahinda Rajapaksa of the credit for defeating the LTTE. At the January 2015 presidential polls, Fonseka threw his weight behind Maithripala Sirisena, whose government never recovered from the first treasury bond scam perpetrated by the UNP, several weeks after the last presidential poll. President Sirisena dissolved parliament, in late June 2015 to save the UNP from the COPE (Committee on Public Enterprises) report on the treasury bond scam. President Sirisena called parliamentary elections, in August 2015. SLFP leader Sirisena delivered a knockout blow to the UPFA by declaring that Mahinda Rajapaksa wouldn’t be named Prime Minister under any circumstances even of the outfit won the poll. The move certainly facilitated the UNP victory. The UNP-led grouping secured 106 seats. The UPFA managed to obtain 95. President Sirisena’s parliamentary group remained with the UNP till Oct 26, 2018. By then, the UNP perpetrated the second treasury bond scam. Can those who served President Sirisena’s cabinet, at the time of the Feb 2015 and March 2016 bond scams, absolve themselves of responsibility for the bond scams?

Ex-lawmakers dominate the list of candidates, real battle between ‘Lotus bud’ and ‘Swan’

2019 prez poll to cost taxpayer Rs 5 bn

SPECIAL REPORT : Part 291

October 8, 2019, 9:31 pm

Kamal Bogoda captured leading candidates Gotabaya Rajapaksa, Sajith Premadasa and Anura Kumara Dissanayake outside the Election Commission on Monday

By Shamindra Ferdinando

One-time JVP MP Anuruddha Polgampola is among those in the 2019 presidential fray - the third since the end of the war, in May 2009. Polgampola contested the last presidential election, in August 2015. The former JVPer polled 4,260 votes (0.04 % of the total valid votes) and was placed 13th out of 19 contestants. Polgampola is among 35 candidates in the fray at the Nov. 16 presidential poll, expected to cost the taxpayer a staggering Rs 5,000 mn.

 Of the 41 presidential hopefuls, who paid deposits, six opted out of the contest. The six included UPFA lawmakers, Chamal Rajapaksa and Kumara Welgama.

 The SLFP leadership ended up with egg on face unable to take a decision on its stand, even after the conclusion of nominations. 

Let me examine Polgampola’s candidature against the backdrop of anti-corruption lawyer Nagananda Kodituwakku, who exposed the true extent of the luxury vehicle scam, perpetrated by lawmakers, being denied an opportunity to contest the presidential poll. Kodituwakku exposed a series of high profile corrupt practices, involving both the public and the private sector, much to the discomfort of those in influential places. Kodituwakku is on record as having said that a section of the civil society sabotaged his presidential bid.

 Former Kegalle District JVP MP Polgampola was compelled to resign, in Sept, 2008, for allegedly helping a person enter Japan, posing as his assistant. Polgampola was appointed Chairman of the State Timber Corporation (STC) by President Maithripala Sirisena on Friday May 4, 2018. 

The appointment was made within 24 hours after STC Chairman Piyasena Dissanayake was arrested, along with Dr. T.H.K. Mahanama, Chief of Staff of President Maithripala Sirisena, for allegedly accepting Rs 20 mn bribe from an Indian national.

 The JVP Central Committee called for Polgampola’s resignation soon after the revelation that Japanese Immigration and Emigration authorities had questioned the MP at the Narita International Airport.

 The JVP identified the person who received Polgampola’s help to enter Japan, illegally, as Kodituwakku Arachchige Rohan.

 Japan deported the youth in late August, 2008.

 The appointment received by Polgampola reflected the crisis in the public sector. President Sirisena accommodated Polgampola several months before his UPFA quit the UNP led government.  JVP MP Vijitha Herath told the writer, in May this year that the JVP decided to expel Polgampola even before the flight taking him and the other person masquerading as his personal assistant, touched down at Narita International airport.

 "We got to know Polgampola’s illegal operation immediately after he had left for Japan," Herath said, adding that the MP also didn’t have party approval to leave the country.

 Herath alleged that Polgampola had been in remand twice, in 2016 for deceiving two persons who had invested in a Vavuniya-based enterprise launched by him, with the blessings of the previous government. Having served the then former SLFP National Organiser Basil Rajapaksa after his expulsion from the JVP, Polgampola entered the presidential fray, in 2015, as an independent candidate, and then contested the parliamentary polls in August 2015 on the UPFA ticket.

 Mohammed Muzammil, spokesman for the breakaway JVP faction, National Freedom Front (NFF), told The Island that Polgampola had been involved in the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) until the finalization of nominations for the Local Government polls in February 2018. Muzammil said that Polgampola functioned as the Organizing Secretary of the SLPP at the time he switched allegiance to President Sirisena.

 Muzammil, who had been a parliamentary colleague of Polgampola at the time the latter quit, emphasized that key appointments should be cleared by the Parliamentary High Posts Committee. Both Herath and Muzammil said that there was nothing personal in their response to Polgampola receiving appointment as STC Chairman.

 The Rajapaksa administration never conducted a proper inquiry into an MP’s alleged involvement in human smuggling though Japan brought the Aug 2008 detection to the attention of the then Lankan government. 

Having entered the Sabaragamuwa Provincial Council, in 2000, on the UNP ticket, Polgampola successfully contested the Kegalle District, at the 2004, parliamentary election on the JVP ticket. The JVP secured 39 seats, including three National List slots at that election. 

 Polgampola’s appointment as STC Chairman, in May 2018, caused a media furor. In the wake of heavy criticism of President Sirisena’s move, Polgampola was removed. The former JVPer’s removal paved the way for defeated MP Shantha Bandara to receive appointment as STC Chairman. Later Shantha Bandara was accommodated in parliament in place of defeated National List candidate M.L.A.M. Hizbullah, who received appointment as the Eastern Province Governor, in January, 2019.

Four ex-JVP lawmakers, JVP leader in prez fray

 In addition to Polgampola, several other former JVPers are in the fray. Former lawmakers, Piyasiri Wijenayake (Kalutara), Siripala Amarasinghe (Gampaha) and Samansiri Herath (Puttalam), who entered parliament in 2010, along with Polgampola, are also in the fray. Wijenayake is widely believed to be a proxy for New Democratic Front (NDF) candidate Sajith Premadasa and both Amarasinghe and Herath are believed to be backed by the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna(SLPP). Breakaway JVP faction, the Frontline Socialist Party (FSP) fielded Duminda Nagamuwa, one-time convenor of the Inter University Students Federation (IUSF) while JVP leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake is also in the fray. Dissanayake has the backing of the civil society grouping, the National People’s Power. Dissanayake contests under the symbol ‘Compass’

 Polgampola and Duminda Nagamuwa contested the last presidential poll. The latter polled 9,941 votes (0.08 %  of the total valid votes)

 Another offshoot of the JVP, the National Freedom Front (NFF) backs SLPP candidate Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s candidature. NFF leader Wimal Weerawansa, MP, was among the five members allowed in with Gotabaya Rajapaksa when he handed over his papers to EC Chairman Mahinda Deshapriya. The former Defence Secretary’s team consisted of SLPP Chairman Prof. G.L. Peiris, SLPP Secretary attorney-at-law Sagara Kariyawasam, President’s Counsel M.U.M. Ali Sabry, lawmaker Wimal Weerawansa, and lawmaker and attorney-at-law Susil Premjayantha.

 Since the NGO cabal is all-out to tarnish Gotabaya as someone feared by minorities it might have been good to have included someone like EPDP Leader Douglas Devananda to represent the Tamil community in that team that accompanied the SLPP presidential candidate to hand over nominations. Against all such malicious propaganda Devananda has always stood by progressive elements in the South, who stand for a united one country.

 Premjayantha joined the Gotabaya Rajapaksa Camp, following a high profile abortive bid to move a No. Confidence Motion (NCM) against Premier Ranil Wickremesinghe, in early April 2018. Premjayantha was among 16 Maithripala Sirisena loyalists who voted for the NCM, moved by the Joint Opposition (JO). The Group of 16 split soon thereafter with the majority switching their allegiance to Gotabaya Rajapaksa. Two of them, S.B. Dissanayake and Dilan Perera received the SLPP membership. 

Having recorded its best performance at a parliamentary election, in April 2004, the JVP split over its political strategy. More than half of the 39-member parliamentary group switched allegiance to the then President Mahinda Rajapaksa during the war. A decade after the successful conclusion of the war, the JVP and the NFF are represented in parliament by six and five members, respectively. One NFF member Weerakumara Dissanayake, elected from the Anuradhapura District, now functions as the SLFP spokesman.

 It would be pertinent to mention that the UNP-led coalition, that backed former Army Commander Gen. Sarath Fonseka and Maithripala Sirisena at 2010 and 2015 presidential elections, respectively, included the JVP. The late Somawansa Amarasinghe had been at the helm when the JVP joined the UNP-led coalition, in 2010, whereas Anura Kumara Dissanayake took the decision on the second occasion. Dissanayake, succeeded Amarasinghe, in early Feb. 2014. Fonseka and Sirisena contested on the NDF ticket, under the ‘swan’ symbol.

Pohottuwa candidate

and ‘Plan B’ 

In spite of heavy pressure exerted by the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna, the strongest political party in Sri Lanka, in terms of the last Local Government polls, the SLPP, declined to contest under a common symbol. Regardless of the SLFP threat to undermine Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s campaign, the SLPP leadership resolutely asserted that the symbol was not negotiable. SLPP Chairman Prof. G.L. Peiris, on several occasions, explained to the writer the pivotal importance of retaining the lotus bud symbol. One-time External Affairs Minister and former Law Professor, Peiris pointed out the resounding SLPP success at the last LG polls, in Feb 2018, underscored the importance of its symbol.

 The SLPP managed to form a powerful alliance under the lotus bud symbol with sections of Tamil and Muslim communities pledging their support to Gotabaya Rajapaksa.

 Gotabaya Rajapaksa overcame an unprecedented challenge from vociferous civil society grouping comprising the National Movement for Social Justice (NMSJ), Purawesi Balaya (PB) et al, to proceed with the handing over of nominations. The Court of Appeal cleared the way for Gotabaya Rajapaksa last Friday (Oct 04) by dismissing a petition filed by two civil society activists, Prof. Chandragupta Thenuwara and Gamini Viyangoda. Had they succeeded by some chance, former Speaker Chamal Rajapaksa would have handed over his papers in his capacity as a sitting member of parliament in place of Gotabaya. Chamal Rajapaksa’s deposit was made also on Friday, hours before the Court of ruling in the name of Sri Lanka Nidahas Podujana Sanvidanaya, an independent group. When Gotabaya Rajapaksa arrived at the Election Commission, to hand over his papers, he was accompanied by a smiling elder brother, Chamal.

 The UNP repeatedly denied having played a role in the civil society project, though the regular consultations between the top UNP leadership and prominent civil society activists, in this regard, in the run-up to nominations is not a secret. Both Prime Minister’s media and Speaker Karu Jayasuriya’s Office issued statements regarding talks they had with civil society representatives, in addition to a survey issued from the NMSJ Office, at Rajagiriya. The survey recommended Speaker Jayasuriya as their best option and the person capable of defeating Gotabaya Rajapaksa. The overall civil society project was meant to disqualify Gotabaya Rajapaksa, while bringing in Karu Jayasuriya as the NDF candidate. Had that happened, the 2019 presidential battle would have been between Chamal Rajapaksa and Karu Jayasuriya, who earned a name for himself for thwarting the so-called constitutional coup, perpetrated by President Maithripala Sirisena, on Oct 26, 2018, last year. The Karu Jayasuriya, led fight back compelled the SLFP-SLPP to give up power. The strong stand taken by Sajith Premadasa, thanks to support extended by Mangala Samaraweera, Malik Samarawickrema and the majority of the parliamentary group, weakened the civil society operation.

Swan for Sajith

Contrary to statements made over a period of time, the UNP decided to contest under the ‘swan’ symbol for a third straight time in spite of the NDF being embroiled in controversy over its Chairman, Shalila Munasinghe, arrested in Oct 2017, in connection with stealing US$ 2.1 mn from the Taiwanese Bank Far Eastern International. At the time of his arrest, Munasinghe held a lucrative post of Chairman, Litro Gas. Munasinghe held British citizenship whereas Janaka Nammuni, son of the one-time Army Chief of Staff, Jaliya Nammuni, arrested along with Munasinghe, was a British-Sri Lanka dual citizen. Since then, the NDF has replaced Munasinghe, while Mrs. Shamila Perera remained its Secretary. NDF candidate Sajith Premadasa was accompanied by Mrs Perera, in addition to Ronald Perera PC, current Chairman of the Bank of Ceylon (BoC) and Senaka de Silva, one-time Secretary to General Sarath Fonseka. Ronald Perera was on hand in his capacity as a legal advisor to the UNP.

 Having backed candidates picked by the UNP in 2010 and 2015, the JVP fielded a candidate of its own - only the third time the party did so at a presidential election. JVP leader Rohana Wijeweera contested the first presidential poll on Oct 20, 1982. Nandana Gunatilleke contested the Dec 21, 1999, presidential election. On both occasions, the Marxist party contested under its own symbol ‘Bell.’ However, Anura Kumara Dissanayake picked a common symbol to facilitate wider civil society participation in his endeavor. 

The JHU parliamentary group is divided over Sajith Premadasa’s candidature. Of the three JHU lawmakers in parliament, two -  Patali Champika Ranawaka and Karunaratne Paranavithana - back Sajith Premadasa whereas JHU stalwart Ven. Athureliye Rathana accommodated on the UNP National List recently, pledged his support to Gotabaya Rajapaksa. Ven. Rathana spearheaded a high profile campaign with the late Ven. Maduluwawe Sobitha thera that thwarted President Rajapaksa’s controversial bid to secure a third term.

More ex-rejected lawmakers

in the fray

 Former UPFA MP Milroy Fernando is also contesting the Nov 16 poll. Fernando’s wife Mary Juliet Monica sentenced to death by the Colombo High Court on March 2, 2005 for abducting and murdering Charlotte Teresa Fernando, believed to be Milroy’s mistress and her domestic aide Susanhewage Teckla alias Seelawathie, was pardoned on March 8, 2009, in view of the International Women’s Day by then President Mahinda Rajapaksa. At that time Milroy served the Rajapaksa administration as the Public Estate Management and Development Minister. 

The Puttalam District MP’s wife and three other accused were sentenced to death on being found guilty of the Katuneriya double murder, said to have been committed on January 3, 1992.

A seven-member jury returned a verdict of guilty 6 to 1.

It was the first death penalty given after the Sri Lankan government decided to implement the capital punishment in the wake of High Court Judge Sarath Ambepitiya’s assassination in November 2004.

Milroy Fernando entered the Election Commission premises with the help of a person. The presidential candidate found it difficult to walk in on his own.

Jayantha Ketagoda is also another former MP in the fray. Ketagoda succeeded Sarath Fonseka who lost a Supreme Court appeal, in January 2011, to retain his parliamentary seat.

The court ruled that a court martial, in September 2010, which found him guilty of arms procurement offences meant that he could no longer be an MP. Having entered politics, courtesy the UNP, Ketagoda, one-time actor, lately served the SLPP.

Former UPFA MP and Eastern Province Governor M.L.A.M. Hizbullah, who appeared before the Parliamentary Select Committee (PSC) tasked to probe the Easter Sunday attacks, in the wake of allegations he met some Saudi nationals, clandestinely, immediately after the Easter Sunday attacks, handed over his papers to the Election Commission. Hisbullah is also under fire over the building of the controversial Batticaloa campus with Saudi funds. One-time, SLMC heavyweight Hizbullah was one of the politicians accused of alleged involvement with the National Thowheed Jamaat (NTJ) blamed for the Easter Sunday carnage, though they weren’t found guilty by any court of law.

Former SLMC Chairman Basheer Segu Dawood is another former MP in the presidential fray.

Interestingly, one-time Tamil National Alliance (TNA) MP M.K. Sivajiilingham is the only former Tamil lawmaker to seek the President’s Office. Outspoken politician, Sivajiilingham, who subsequently represented the TNA in the now-defunct Northern Provincial Council, since the conclusion of the war in 2009, demanded an international accountability investigation. A close relative of slain LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakaran, Sivajiilingham remains committed to a probe conducted by foreign judges.

Among the presidential candidates are A.S.P. Liyanage, a businessman who received preferential treatment from both the then President Rajapaksa and incumbent President Sirisena. Liyanage received ambassadorial posts in Nigeria and Qatar. About a year after the change of government, in January 2015, yahapalana administration investigated Liyanage after he was accused of keeping gold and money belonging to the Rajapaksas, buried under the sand-filled swimming pool of his peacock mansion, at Pelawatte.

 Former Army Commander General Mahesh Senanayake wouldn’t have been among the candidates as the leading civil society representative on the President’s Counsel Srinath Perera’s party if not for the Easter Sunday attacks. Senanayake captured the limelight due to overall failure on the part of the government to thwart the suicide bombing campaign. Senanayake cannot absolve responsibility for the government failure, being the Commander of the Army at the time of the incident.

Two of the candidates, Battaramulle Seelarathana thera and Sarath Manamendra made abortive bids to have nominations of M.K. Sivajiilingham and Hizbullah dismissed, respectively.

Who really wanted Sivajiilingham and Hisbullah rejected?

 There were several other former lawmakers, including Asoka Wadigamangawa (ex-UNP), Samaraweera Weerawanni (ex-UNP) and respected academic Prof. Rajiva Wijesinghe (ex-UPFA) among the candidates listed to contest. 

Addressing the candidates, at the conclusion of the nominations accepting process, EC Deshapriya said that the Nov 16, 2019 poll would cost Rs. 5,000 mn because of the larger number of candidates. Wouldn’t it be the responsibility of the EC to take tangible measures to address this issue to prevent waste of public funds. With the vast majority of people struggling to make ends meet, can a sensible administration squander taxpayers’ money on wasteful exercises? On the other hand, Nagananda Kodituwakku, a genuine candidate, was deprived of the opportunity to contest the presidential poll for want of a practical system to register a political party. Shame on the corrupt political system!